Ireland's  Revolt  in '98, 

WITH 

Sketches  of  Prominent  Statesmen 

AND 

The  Social  Condition  of  the  People, 


BY 


F'.     TUITE. 


Boston: 
ANGEL    GUARDIAN    PRESS, 


i^zn'^ 


Copyrighted,   1897 


F.  TUITE. 


INTRODUCTION. 


The  historian  of  every  nation  finds  a  con- 
siderable part  of  his  work  in  recounting  and 
explaining  revolutions.  Great  Britain  has  fur- 
nished its  share  of  them.  The  most  thrilling 
military  records  of  England  are  found  in  the 
numerous  insurrectionary  movements  of  its 
people.  If  Ireland  presents  the  same  inter- 
esting features  from  time  to  time  it  need  not 
strike  anyone, as  strange.  But  the  latest  re- 
bellion of  any  serious  import  in  that  country, 
breaking  out  in  1798,  has  a  special  interest 
both  for  the  compatriots  and  descendants  of 
those  who  took  part  in  it  and  for  the  general 
public,  who  sympathize  with  any  people  in 
arms  to  recover  their  liberty. 

It  was  a  break  for  freedom  made  by  a  peo- 
ple long  provoked  by  oppressive  foreign  legis- 
lation, and  robbed  of  their  possessions  in  the 
name  of  law. 

It  was  rash,  no  doubt,  on  account  of  insuf- 
ficient preparation  and  the  limited*  ,res,Qi;rces 
at  the  command  of  the  rebels.  Like  all  "unsuc- 
cessful rebellions,  it  brought  heavier  chains 
and  additional  measures  of  repression  on  the 
country.  But  it  was  a  new  proof  of  the  folly 
of  a  ruling  power  hoping  to  wholly  stamp  out 
the  spirit  of  resistance  against  wrong.- 


Through  those  one  hundred  years  now  past 
since  the  event  the  same  spirit  of  revolt  against 
tyranny  has  continued,  silent,  indeed,  and 
partly  suppressed;  and  it  is  still  there  as  fresh 
as  ever  ready  to  burst  forth  anew  whenever  a 
favorable  opportunity  is  offered.  So  pow- 
erless is  physical  force  against  conscience,  or 
unjust  legislation  against  the  noble  aspirations 
of  a  people  determined  to  be  free! 

Every  sincere  friend  of  the  people  de- 
plores the  existence  of  this  revolutionary  ten- 
dency and  would  counsel  moderate  methods 
of  seeking  redress  of  grievances.  Yet  this 
spirit  of  revolt  will  cease  only  when  statesmen 
will  condescend  to  legislate  in  the  interest  of 
the  dependent  classes  as  well  as  of  the  aristoc- 
racy, and  thus  remove  the  cause  of  discontent. 

In  our  youth  we  heard  our  grandfathers  tell 
those  stories  of  bloodshed — of  an  armed  peas- 
antry battling  against  regular  English  troops 
—of  brave  charges — of  victories  won;  and 
then,  of  final  surrender  and  defeat. 

The  writer  recalls  many  earnest  conversa- 
tions held  on  winter  evenings  during  boyhood, 
as  the  family  groups  assembled  about  the 
cheerful  fire.  We,  garrulous  youths,  drew 
from  our  aged  parents  those  tales  of  troubled 
times.  We  listened  with  willing  ears,  and 
often  with  throbbing  hearts,  as  the  narrative 
led  us  through  battlefields,  or  well-planned 
sieges,  told  by  those  who  were  themselves  eye 
witnesses  of  the  scenes,  or  actually  took  part 
in  them. 


vll 


Our  young  minds  could  not  conceive  the 
need  of  those  hangings  of  rebels ;  not  to  speak 
of  other  more  barbarous  inflictions,  that  fol- 
lowed their  defeat.  We  would  often  ask, 
"Would  not  a  penalty  less  severe  be  enough 
for  any  government  in  order  to  keep  down  re- 
bellion?'^ 

What  appeared  then  so  unnecessary  and  so 
cruel  has  not  changed  since  to  our  minds  in 
its  barbarous  features.  After  a  period  of  forty 
years  passed  since  we  heard  the  story  we  still 
pronounce  it  monstrous  to  sacrifice  human 
life  so  needlessly. 

But,  as  history  shows,  in  every  country  and 
age,  a  tyrannous  power  needs  to  perpetuate 
itself  by  measures  even  more  opposed  to  rea- 
son and  moderation  and  more  revolting  to 
humanity  than  the  act  of  rebellion  itself. 

While  there  is  much  to  discourage  the  stu- 
dent of  the  past,  we  try  to  persuade  ourselves, 
and  we  earnestly  hope,  that  the  occasion  will 
never  again  arise  for  a  repetition  of  such  dis- 
astrous conflicts,  and  that  future  governments, 
following  a  more  humane  policy  in  legisla- 
tion, will  remove  all  causes  of  dissension  in 
the  community  and  whatever  tends  to  excite 
the  wild  passions  of  the  multitude. 


CONTENTS. 


Introduction  .... 

Contents  ..... 
Chapter  I — Agitation  Preceding  the  Re 

hellion  .... 

Chapter  II — Causes  of  Discontent 

Chapter  III — Efforts  to  Secure  Foreign 

Aid 

Chapter  IV — Conflict  Begun 

Chapter  V — Battles  at  New  Ross,  Ark 
low,  and  Vinegar  Hill    . 

Chapter  VI — Some  Battles  in  Ulster 

Chapter  VII — Aid  from  France  Arrives 

Chapter  VIII— Battle  of  Ballinamuck 

Chapter  IX — Other  Expeditions  from 
France  .... 

Chapter  X — Fate  of  the  Leaders  . 
Chapter  XI — Prominent  Statesmen  of  the 

Time  ..... 
Chapter  XII — The  Union  of  Ireland  with 

Great  Britain 

Chapter  XIII — Causes  of  Dissension 
among  Irish  Patriots 

Concluding  Hints 


5 
9 

II 

21 
26 

33 

44 
50 
52 
62 

65 
67 

S6 

lOI 

121 
151 


ix 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98. 


CHAPTER    I. 

AGITATION    PRECEDING    THE    REBELLION. 

Among  the  venerable  storytellers  to  whom 
the  youth  of  our  native  village  looked  for  in- 
formation about  those  past  troubled  times — 
the  gloomiest  in  Ireland's  records — the  writer 
recalls  one  whose  gray  hairs  and  well-known 
intelligence  made  him  listened  to  with  respect 
by  old  and  young.  He  was  past  seventy 
years,  and  his  memory  went  back  with  great 
clearness  to  all  the  minute  details  of  the  re- 
bellion. 

No  wonder  he  remembered  it.  •  At  the  out- 
break he  was  in  his  twentieth  year;  was  him- 
self arrested  and  locked  up  a  prisoner  in  the 
market-house  of  a  neighboring  town,  among 
a  crowd  of  other  rebels,  for  a  whole  day,  ex- 
pecting to  be  hanged,  as  scores  of  his  com- 
panions met  their  fate  before  his  eyes.  Often 
he  pointed  out  to  us  the  place  where  the  scaf- 
fold was  erected.  Many  a  brave  life  was  here 
sacrificed  in  the  cause  of  freedom!  Fortun- 
ately he  had  a  friend  among  the  yeomanry,  in 
whose  hands  the  fate  of  all  the  prisoners  lay, 
and  by  special  pleading  he  was  liberated  at  the 
last  moment.  *'I  never  felt  death  so  near,"  he 
would  say,  *'as  I  did  on  that  day." 

His  place  of  residence  throughout  the  whole 
of  his  long  life  was  close  to  the  leading  high- 
way in  the  centre  of  the  village.     On  fine  days 


11 


12  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

he  could  be  seen  regularly  seated  on  a  wooden 
bench  placed  near  the  door  porch,  where  he 
could  see  all  who  passed  on  their  way  to  the 
fair  or  market..  Few,  indeed,  came  along 
whose  names  he  did  not  know;  and  all  were 
sure  of  a  hearty  word  of  greeting,  as  well  as 
some  new  banter,  which  put  them  in  the  best 
of  humor  as  they  proceeded  on  their  journey. 
The  children  who  passed  daily  from  school 
were  always  attracted  by  the  fresh  joke  he  had 
prepared  for  them;  and  the  whole  crowd, 
shouting  with  merriment^  scampered  off,  eager 
to  repeat  at  home  the  friendly  remark  of  the 
kind  old  grandfather. 

There  were  three  of  us  schoolmates  who,  on 
entering  a  higher  class,  were  becoming  inter- 
ested in  the  history  of  our  country,  and  we 
talked  together  about  getting  a  good  and  full 
account  of  the  famous  rebellion  from  the  lips 
of  the  old  gentleman,  who  remembered  it  all 
so  well. 

Felix,  being  fourteen  years  old  and  the 
senior  in  our  little  group,  was  to  be  our 
spokesman,  and  on  a  certain  afternoon,  as  we 
passed  our  old  friend,  a  request  was  made  that 
he  would  give  us  the  desired  information. 

"With  pleasure,  my  good  lads,"  said  he. 
"Sit  here  on  this  bench,  all  of  you,  and  I  will 
begin  at  once.  But  you  must  know  that  it 
will  take  more  than  one  afternoon  to  go  over 
the  whole  story.  However,  there  need  be  no 
hurry;  you  may  call  every  day  as  you  pass 
from  school  and  I  will  tell  you  all  in  parts. 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08  13 

It  may  take  a  whole  week  before  I  get  to  the 
end." 

Tom,  who  was  a  younger  brother  of  Fehx, 
and  full  as  anxious  tO'  hear  new  stories,  ap- 
peared delighted  with  the  cheerful  reply  given 
to  their  request.  "I  hope,"  said  he,  ''it  will  not 
fatigue  you  to  repeat  so  many  things.  I  think 
we  will  have  many  questions  to  ask." 

"Don't  fear  for  that,"  answered  the  kind  old 
man.  "I  like  to  see  young  people  seeking  in- 
formation about  the  past  history  of  their  coun- 
try and  I  am  never  tired  going  over  those 
scenes  now  long  passed,  and  recalling  those 
persons  who  were  famous  in  my  younger 
days." 

"To  begin,  I  must  remind  you  that  the 
actual  rebellion  did  not  last  long.  The  first 
conflict  took  place  on  the  23d  day  of  May,  and 
all  was  over  about  the  middle  of  November. 
It  was  a  contest  of  not  more  than  six  months' 
duration.  Preparations  had  been  going  on 
secretly  for  some  time.  There  was  a  good 
deal  of  agitation,  among  those  who  had  the 
courage  to  speak,  for  the  previous  seven 
years.  Tlie  active  organization  of  the  revolt 
was  hardly  begun  two  years  before. 

Indeed,  ever  since  the  American  colonies 
cast  off  the  yoke  of  England,  twenty-two 
years  just  passed,  and  established  themselves 
as  the  United  States — a  free  and  independent 
republic,  the  people  of  Ireland  began  to  take 
courage.  Before  that  happy  event  Ireland  had 
been  for  a  good  while   completely  disheart- 


14  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

ened.  The  revolution  in  France,  also  in  the 
year  1789,  roused  a  new  spirit  of  hope 
throughout  Ireland,  as  well  as  every  other 
nation  struggling  for  independence.  The 
public  press  became  bolder  in  its  censures 
of  the  corrupt  methods  of  government  then 
prevalent.  Several  clever  writers  among  the 
patriots  had  printed,  both  in  newspapers  and 
pamphlets,  severe  attacks  on  the  many  abuses 
of  those  in  power.  The  guilty  ones  were  held 
up  to  ridicule  in  this  way  in  humorous  verses 
and  rhymes  circulated  among  the  peasantry. 
Just  as  you  now  see  those  ballad  singers  in 
the  streets  of  our  towns,  so  it  was  then  a  very 
general  custom  to  have  those  patriotic  and 
humorous  verses  printed  and  sung  at  public 
gatherings.  The  peasantry  of  the  whole  coun- 
try, who  did  not  have  newspapers  as  we  have 
now,  were  thus  made  aware  of  the  state  of 
public  affairs. 

Public  meetings  were  held,  too,  as  long  as 
the  law  did  not  interfere.  Stirring  speeches 
were  made  by  educated  men,  who  denounced 
the  many  wrongs  of  the  nation,  and  discussed 
the  various  reforms  necessary.  Those  meet- 
ings were  soon  proclaimed  unlawful.  To  take 
part  in  them,  or  to  be  the  author  of  any  printed 
criticism  of  the  civil  administration  was  pun- 
ished by  heavy  fines  and  imprisonment. 
These  measures  drove  the  people  to  secret 
methods  of  discussing  their  public  grievances. 
Secret  societies  were  started  under  various 
titles.  Of  these  the  principal  one  was  that  of 
the  "United  Irishmen." 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  15 

The  young*  listeners  were  all  attention  as 
the  old  man  went  on.  Felix  here,  with  a  ser- 
ious expression  on  his  face,  observed:  *T 
suppose  there  were  lots  of  policemen  then,  as 
now,  to  spy  about  and  report  on  people." 
"Not  only  such  as  we  have  now,"  was  the  re- 
ply, "but  there  were  soldiers  stationed  in  al- 
most every  town,  who  made  arrests  by  order 
of  the  nearest  magistrate;  and  there  were 
other  spies  paid  by  the  government  for  nothing 
else  but  to  go  about  in  disguise  everywhere 
and  report  what  they  heard  and  saw." 

''Was  the  rebellion  planned  by  the  Cath- 
olics?" asked  Tom. 

"Not  at  all,"  replied  the  grandfather.  *Tt 
was  planned  and  directed  by  Protestants  from 
the  very  beginning,  and  as  long  as  it  lasted. 
The  Catholics  were  forced  into  it  as  the  agita- 
tion went  on,  and  the  great  majority  of  the 
armed  peasantry  were  Catholics.  For  a  long- 
time they  knew  they  had  a  just  cause  for  re- 
bellion, and  were  .willing  to  join  in  such  a 
movement  when  they  could  see  a  fair  prospect 
of  success.  They,  indeed,  had  the  greatest  of 
reasons  for  rebelling,  as  I  will  explain  by  and 
by;  but  many  of  them  doubted  the  wisdom  of 
the  plans  on  which  it  was  organized,  whilp 
others  were  slow  to  join  because  the  prepara- 
tions appeared  insufficient. 

It  may  appear  strange  that  they  had  such 
earnest  friends  among  their  Protestant  fellow- 
countrymen;  for  the  penal  laws  which  so 
cruelly  oppressed  them  were  made  by  a  Pro- 


1(3  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

testant  government.     But  it  is  a  fact  that  the 
most  ardent   patriots   and   rebels   were   non- 
CathoHcs.     Many  of  them  were  Presbyterians 
and  dissenters   of   other  sects,  who   had  no 
friendship  for  the   Church  of  England   Pro- 
testants.   They  shared  in  some  of  the  disabil- 
ities that  were  aimed  at  Catholics,  and  thus 
were  led  to  have  sympathy  with  them  in  re- 
sisting laws  that  interfered  with  the  religious 
opinions  of  both.    Besides,  in  that  generation 
there  were  great  numbers  of  Protestants  of  all 
classes  who,  although  descended  from  Eng- 
lish and  Scotch  settlers  commenced  to  look 
upon  Ireland  as  their  country,  and  to  take  an 
ardent  interest  in  its  welfare.  However  wrong- 
fully their  fathers  got, hold  of  their  Irish  es- 
tates, they  saw  no  reason  for  continuing  harsh 
to   their    Catholic   neighbors   who   had   been 
robbed  of  their  possessions  by  unjust  laws, 
and  were  reduced  to  a  state  of  misery  deplor- 
able enough.      They  had  feelings   for  those 
Catholics  among  whom'  they  were   brought 
up,  of  whose  sufferings  they  were  witnesses, 
and  whose  upright  and   generous  character 
they  learned  to  admire,    'fiiey  had  seen  their 
fill  of  gross  persecution  for  conscience  sake 
from  childhood,  and  were  willing  to  do  a  ser- 
vice to  a  people  whom  their  fathers  hated  and 
treated  as  enemies.    However  they  might  dif- 
fer in  their  religious  views,  they  decided  that 
all  could  and  ought  to  unite  in  the  removal  of 
political  abuses,  and  in  securing  for  Ireland 
the  ordinar}^  rights  of  civilized  men. 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  L\  '98  17' 

It  was  a  repetition  of  that  spirit  which  grew 
up  in  their  kinsmen  across  the  Atlantic 
twenty-two  years  before,  which  led  them  to 
unite,  without  thought  of  religious  differences, 
and  drive  forever  from  American  soil  the  hate- 
ful tyranny  of  a  bigoted  English  aristocracy. 

Among  the  most  prominent  actors  in  the  in- 
surrection was  Theobald  Wolf  Tone.  He  was 
well  known  to  have  a  dislike  for  Catholics. 
The  same  was  said  of  Grattan,  the  greatest 
orator  of  his  time  and  the  tireless  advocate  of 
Ireland's  rights.  Another  very  upright  and 
disinterested  Protestant  in  the  movement  was 
Thomas  Addis  Emmett." 

''Was  he  the  Emmett  who  was  hanged  for 
treason?-'  asked  Tom. 

"No,"  replied  the  aged  historian;  "the  one 
to  whom  you  refer  was  Robert,  a  brother  to 
Thomas  Addis.  He  was  hanged  for  planning 
another  insurrection  a  few  years  afterwards." 

"As  the  society  called  'United  Irishmen'  was 
the  organization  that  gave  birth  to  the  insur- 
rection at  this  time,  we  do  well  tO'  recall  in  a 
few  words  its  early  movements.  It  was 
founded  in  Belfast  in  the  year  1791  by  a  party 
of  twenty  young  patriotic  citizens.  The  lead- 
ing and  most  active  member  was  Wolf  Tone, 
now  in  his  twenty-eighth  year.  He  was  a  na- 
tive of  Kildare,  a  prominent  lawyer,  and  popu- 
lar agitator.  Through  him  a  branch  was  soon 
formed  in  Dublin ;  and  from  these  two  centres 
it  spread  to  all  parts  of  the  country.  The  first 
object  thought  of  was  a  reform  of  parliament." 


18  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

"What  was  wrong  with  parHament  that  they 
wanted  reformed?"  said  FeHx.  ''You  are  right 
in  asking  that  question,  my  boy,"  answered 
the  grandfather.  "To  know  that  will  help  us 
to  understand  the  cause  of  so  much  discontent 
and  murmurs  among  the  people  for  many 
years  before  as  well  as  since."  An  honest 
parliament  would  be  formed  of  members 
elected  by  the  people  of  the  country,  and 
would  pay  attention  to  the  interests  of  the  peo- 
ple who  elected  them.  But  the  Irish  parlia- 
ment was  never  an  honest  one.  The  members 
were  seldom  of  the  people's  choice.  The  great 
majority  of  them  got  their  places  by  sham 
elections,  by  bribery,  or  by  influence  of  friends 
who  forced  voters  by  threats  of  various  kinds. 
Instead  of  being  the  choice  of  the  people, 
they  were  the  favorites  of  the  rich  foreign 
landlords. 

"I  suppose,"  said  Tom,'  "the  voters  were  led 
to  the  polls  as  we  saw  the  crowd  of  tenants 
last  week  following  their  landlord  between 
two  lines  of  soldiers  to  take  care  of  them  as 
they  trotted  along  like  a  flock  of  sheep." 

"Just  so,"  was  the  reply.  "That  was  one 
way  of  doing  it,  quite  common  then.  Such 
ridiculous  sights  got  to  be  so  common  that 
the  shame  of  it  was  not  felt  by  the  so-called 
'gentry'  who  owned  the  land  and  the  people 
who  cultivated  it,  as  if  they  were  of  nO'  account 
except  to  produce  a  revenue  for  their  masters. 
But  worse  still:  the  Catholics,  who  were  the 
great  majority  of  the  population,   were  not 


•       .        IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  i^". 

allowed  to  vote  at  all;  even  when  holding  land ; 
as  tenants,  while  to  aspire  to  be. a  member  of 
parliament  was  expressly  forbidden  to  them  in     ■: . . 
one  of  the  penal  laws. 

The  oath  taken  by  the  new  society  called 
'United  Irishmen'  was  'to  forward  a' brother-      ,  ' 
hood  of  affection,  an  identity  of  interests,  a       ;■ 
communion  of  rights,  and  a  union  of  power 
among  Irishmen  of  all  denominations.'         ..  •  •       '• 

Their  efforts  were  to  be  directed  to  prociir-       - 
ing  honest  and  free  elections  for  all  future    •  •■• 
members  of  parliament;  and  put  an  end  to  the 
old  practice  of  having  strangers  forced  upon 
them -against  their  will,  every  denomination      \ 
being' fairly  represented  in  both  houses  of  leg-      ■' 
islature. '  ."  ^•- 

In  Dublin  the  regular  meeting  place  chosen.    '• 
by  the  society  was  a  spacious  buildihg.  Galled;., ;^^ 
Tailors'  Hall,  in  Back  Lane.    From  the  "rium-  ■^:;- 
ber  of  popular  gatherings  held  here  it  was      .. 
commonly  called  the  'Back  Lane  Parliament.'      '' 

At  this  famous  hall  many  fervid  speeches 
were  made  by  such  noted  members  as  Simon 
Butler,  a  barrister;  by  Napper  Tandy,  a  mer- 
chant of  the  city,  and  by  Oliver  Bond. 
Among  the  Catholics  who  regularly  attended 
were  John  Keogh  and  McCormick. 

As  mig'litt  be  expected,  there  were  spies 
sent  by  the  Castle  to  watch  all  the  proceedings. 
The  meetings  were  declared  illegal,  and  sev- 
eral arrests  followed,  on  the  charge  of  havmj^ 
used  seditious  language  and  censured  the  rul- 
ing powers. 


20  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

The  society  was  forced  now  to  conduct  its 
deliberations  in  secret.  The  abuses  in  parHa- 
ment  were  beyond  all  hope  of  correction. 
That  body  had  become  a  rotten  thing,  unwor- 
thy of  the  name,  and  deserved  to  be  blotted 
out  of  existence.  Complete  separation  from 
English  rule  was  resolved  upon  as  the  only 
possible  remedy,  and  a  republic  for  Ireland 
was  planned  after  that  lately  established  in 
France. 

The  arming  of  the  whole  population  secretly 
was  devised,  as  well  as  a  method  of  calling 
them  to  action  when  the  time  should  seem 
ripe,  and  take  possession  of  all  the  strong- 
holds in  the  hands  of  the  royal  troops. 

The  aid  of  France  and  any  other  friendly 
power  was  to  be  secured,  and  agents  were  dis- 
patched to  settle  such  alliances  as  early  as  it 
could  be  accomplished. 

The  reyolutionary  movements  of  this  armed 
population  in  every  part  of  the  country  were 
directed  by  a  committee  of  five  members  with 
supreme  authority,  called  the  'Executive  Di- 
rectory.' This  was  located  in  Dublin.  Each 
of  the  provinces  had  its  directory,  under  con- 
trol of  that  at  headquarters.  Each  county 
had  its  committee  to  attend  tO'  the  enrolment 
of  the  local  organizations.  A  careful  system 
of  transmitting  orders  from  the  supreme  lodge 
through  all  the  different  degrees  down  tO'  the 
common  ranks  was  contrived,  to  keep  the 
plans  secret  from  all  not  in  sympathy  with 
the  rebels. 


CHAPTER  II. 

CAUSES    OF    DISCONTENT. 

On  the  following  day,  as  our  young  school- 
mates walked  together  on  their  way  home, 
they  discussed  several  matters  that  were  not 
quite  clear  tO'  them  in  the  course  of  Irish  af- 
fairs, and  they  decided  to  ask  an  explanation 
at  their  next  meeting  with  their  aged  his- 
torian. One  thing  they  wished  to  learn  was 
the  meaning  of  the  penal  laws. 

Glad  to  see  their  growing  interest  in  such 
important  points  in  their  country's  history, 
he  assented,  and,  clearing  his  throat,  he  be- 
gan, as  follows:  "Your  question  is  quite  na- 
tural. I  will  give  you  a  full  list  of  those  inhu- 
man laws  in  a  future  conversation.  It  would 
delay  my  story  too  much  to  explain  all  of 
them  now.  But  a  few  of  the  worst  which 
caused  such  terrible  wrong  and  discontent 
among  the  people  may  be  noticed  before  I  go 
farther.  The  penal  laws  were  contrived  to 
force  Catholics  to  adopt  the  Protestant  Church 
of  England,  or,  in  case  they  refused  and  yet 
remained  in  the  country,  to  deprive  them  of 
the  right  to  vote  or  to  hold  any  office  under 
government — to  deprive  them  of  education, 
and  gradually  take  out  of  their  hands  all  prop- 
erty, whilst  they  were  to  be  repeatedly  fined 
and  imprisoned  for  neglecting  to  attend  the 
Protestant  form  of  worship. 


22  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

"How  these  laws  worked  in  reducing-  the 
CathoHc  people  to  a  state  of  poverty  and  de- 
pendence we  have  plenty  of  evidence  before 
our  eyes.  During  those  long"  years  of  oppres- 
sion there  were  a  few  here  and  there  to  give 
up  their  religion  in  order  to  keep  their  prop- 
erty in  their  hands  and  to  get  the  education 
that  was  offered  to  them  on  such  base  terms. 
But  perverts  of  this  kind  were  very  few,  in- 
deed, compared  with  the  great  body  of  the  na- 
tion who,  holding  to  their  faith,  were  driven 
to  beggary  and  a  condition  no  better  than 
slavery  in  their  native  land. 

''These  laws  were  repealed  some  years  ago 
through  the  agitation  of  the  great  O'Connell. 
I  attended  some  meetings  where  he  spoke  on 
that  subject.  I  was  a  young  man  then;  and  I 
tell  you  he  could  rouse  the  people  to  the  high- 
est pitch  of  enthusiasm  by  his  eloquence.  At 
meetings  held  all  over  the  country  he  called 
thie  attention  of  the  whole  world  to  the  mean- 
ness of  these  laws,  and  when  reasoning  did  no 
good  he  shamed  the  government  into  grant- 
ing the  repeal. 

"You  are  lucky,  my  boys,  to  have  your 
good  schools  so  near  you.  If  you  lived  in 
those  tirnes  you  would  have  no  chance  to 
learn  to  read  or  write  unless  you  became  little 
Protestants;  which  I  am  sure  you  never  would 
do.  Things  are  improving  slowly.  But  we 
have  not  well  recovered  from  the  effects  of 
those  laws  yet." 

"Another  thing  that  Tom  wanted  to   ask 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08  23. 

about,"  said  Felix,  "is  the  meaning  of  what 
they  call  tithes." 

"Well,'^  said  the  old  man,  ''that  was  another 
wretched  business  that  caused  no  end  of  trou- 
ble." 

"Tithes  were  a  tax  forced  from  the  people 
for  the  support  of  Protestant  clergymen 
placed  by  English  government  in  charge  of 
churches  scattered  all  over  the  country.  Even 
in  localities  where  no  Protestants  lived  there 
were  parishes  formed  and  churches  built  at 
the  expense  of  Catholic  taxpayers." 

"I  suppose,"  said  Tom,  "like  the  small 
church  yonder  near  Landlord  Hopkins's  big 
house.  They  say  that  the  minister  has  none 
to  preach  to  except  his  wife  and  children,  and 
the  sexton,  and  the  landlord,  when  he  is  at 
home." 

"In  many  places,"  said  the  grandfather, 
"such  was  the  case."  "Now,  Tom,  just  imag- 
ine one  of  those  visitors  calling  at  your 
father's  house  some  fine  morning  to  demand 
the  tithes  for  his  support.  It  was  a  common 
practice  for  many  years.  Along  with  the  min- 
ister would  come  the  sheriff  and  several  sol- 
diers from  the  nearest  barracks — all  on  horse- 
back. The  amount  they  must  get  was  fixed 
beforehand.  Your  property  was  valued — that 
is,  your  cattle,  your  crops,  and  all  about  your 
house.  Their  part  was  to  be  the  tenth,  or  as 
near  it  as  they  could  get,  every  year.  If  you 
refused  to  pay  it  they  could  drive  off  a  part  of 
your  cattle;   and  if  you   had  no  cattle,  they 


24  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

would  take  some  of  the  furniture,  or  clothing 
— perhaps  your  mother's  best  dress — anything 
that  could  be  auctioned  off  to  get  the  amount 
of  cash  you  were  supposed  to  owe  for  the 
support  of  the  minister  and  his  family. 

Another  hardship  that  goaded  the  people 
to  have  recourse  to  arms  was  the  free  quar- 
tering of  the  royal  troops  in  the  homes  of  the 
suspected  inhabitants.  Soldiers  were  billeted 
among  the  people  of  all  classes,  soi  that  every 
family  had  to  give  free  lodging  and  board  to 
one  or  more  of  those  disgusting  redcoats.  I 
don't  think,  Tom,  you  would  like  to  see  one 
of  those  greedy  and  lazy  orange  soldiers  set- 
tling himself  in  your  father's  house,  taking  the 
best  room  to  sleep  in,  and  demanding  the  best 
food  in  the  place.  Your  mother's  fattest 
chickens  would  soon  be  eaten  up,  and  when 
the  fowl  were  all  gone  the  big  appetites  of 
these  brutish  fellows  would  have  to  be  ap- 
peased by  some  other  meat,  even  if  the  best 
cow  on  the  farm  was  to  be  killed  for  that  pur- 
pose." 

*'I  would  shoot  him,"  said  the  young  lad,  as 
his  face  grew  red  and  a  fierce  expression 
brightened  his  eyes. 

"It  would  not  be  easy  to  do  it,"  continued 
the  old  man.  "The  people  all  felt  like  you; 
but  it  would  be  useless  to  attack  such  well- 
armed  lodgers.  It  was,  indeed,  impossible  to 
have  patience  at  times;  and  many  a  fearful  en- 
counter arose  between  the  master  of  the  house 
and  the  brutish,  saucy  lodger. 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  25 

As' it  was  the  most  barbarous  of  all  the  late 
acts  of  government,  so  it  was  the  surest  way 
that  conld  be  tried  to  excite  the  people  to 
frenzy,  and  force  them  to  take  up  arms,  even 
though  death  stared  them  in  the  face." 


CHAPTER  III. 

EFFORTS  TO  SECURE  FOREIGN  AID. 

"Now  we  must  return  to  where  we  left  off,'' 
commenced  the  grandfather,  when  his  young 
Hsteners  took  their  places  on  the  bench  beside 
him  for  the  third  time.  "The  patriots,  you  will 
recollect,  decided  to  apply  to  some  foreign 
nation  to  assist  them.  Of  course  France  was 
the  first  to  come  to  their  minds,  as  its  people 
had  been  always  friendly  to  Ireland  and  had 
kept  up  the  old  warlike  feeling  against  Eng- 
land. 

Wolf  Tone  offered  himself  for  the  important 
mission.  He  was  obliged  to  fly  at  this  time 
from  the  danger  of  arrest  which  threatened 
him,  and  he  succeeded  in  eluding  the  officers 
sent  on  his  track."  On  a  vessel  bound  for  th-e 
United  States  he  got  off  safely,  determined  to 
reach  France  on  another  ship  starting  from 
some  American  port,  and,  perhaps,  gain  some 
sympathy  and  assistance  in  negotiating  the 
business  he  had  in  hands. 

In  this  he  was  not  disappointed.  His  en- 
thusiasm in  the  cause  of  liberty  for  his  country 
must  have  grown  still  greater  on  this  visit  to 
a  new  people  already  enjoying  the  blessings  of 
independence.  There  were  many  Irishmen 
there  who  had  fought  well  in  the  American 
war  to  drive  England  from  that  countrv  for 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  .27 

ever;  and  they  were  glad  to  hear  from  him  any 
prospects  of  gaining  the  same  freedom  for  Ire- 
land. 

When  starting  from  New  York  he  was  sup- 
lied  with  letters  of  introduction  to  prominent 
politicians  in  France  who  could  help  him  in 
carrying  out  his  projects.  One  of  these  was 
the  American  ambassador  at  Paris,  Mr.  Mon- 
roe, who  afterwards  became  president  of  the 
United  States. 

Arrived  in  Paris  in  February,  1796,  he  was 
received  with  favor,  and  everything  promised 
well  for  the  cause.  Among  the  distinguished 
officers  then  at  the  head  of  the  French  army 
were  Napoleon,  Hoche  and  Grouchy.  They 
took  an  active  part  in  forwarding  Tone's  object. 

After  some  delay  a  fleet  was  got  ready  con- 
sisting of  17  sail  of  the  line,  13  frigates  and  13 
smaller  ships  carrying  15,000  picked  troops. 
It  started  from  Brest,  December  i6th,  '96. 
Tone  accompanied  the  expedition,  holding  the 
rank  of  Colonel  on  the  staff  of  General  Hoche. 

The  fleet  reached  the  coast  of  Ireland  after 
three  days'  sail  without  encountering  any  Eng- 
lish ships  in  the  passage.  After  entering  Ban- 
try  Bay  on  the  coast  of  Kerry  a  landing  of  the 
troops  was  decided  upon.  The  day  happened 
to  be  the  Feast  of  Christmas.  A  violent  storm, 
however,  arising  in  the  night  before  the  time 
set  for  debarkation  the  ships  were  forced  to 
stand  out  far  from  shore;  and  after  waiting 
some  days  for  favorable  weather  it  was  decided 
to  put  off  the  invasion  and  return  to  France. 


28  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08 

While  Tone  was  thus  occupied  with  the 
French  another  agent  from  Ireland  was  sent  to 
Holland,  now  a  new  Republic  under  the  name 
of  Batavia.  The  agent's  name  was  Lewines. 
He  was  successful  also  as  well  as  Tone  in  se- 
curing a  fleet  to  act  in  union  with  that  of 
France. 

Fine  promises,  at  least,  were  made;  and  a 
fleet  fitted  out  ready  to  embark.  But  one  delay 
after  another  followed — chiefly  on  account  of 
unfavorable  weather,  and  at  last  the  troops 
were  ordered  ashore  with  no  hope  of  resuming 
the  project. 

Wolf  Tone  in  the  face  of  these  disappoint- 
ments was  not  to  be  discouraged.  Again  he 
busied  himself  among  the  French  allies,  and 
soon  a  third  expedition  was  got  ready  which 
he  accompanied  in  the  rank  of  adjutant-gen- 
eral in  the  Fall  of  '98;  but  of  this  I  will  say 
more  later  on." 

Felix  could  hardly  keep  Tom  quiet  in  his 
eagerness  to  ask  some  new  question  that  came 
to  his  mind  during  the  latter  part  of  the  story, 

"We  must  not  interrupt  the  conversation," 
he  often  whispered  to  his  young  companion. 
It  was  agreed,  however,  between  them  that  the 
next  day  they  would  inquire  what  was  going 
on  in  Ireland  while  Tone  was  absent  in 
France. 

"Very  well,"  said  the  old  man,  when  the 
matter  was  brought  up  at  their  next  meeting. 
*T  am  ready  now  to  tell  you  all  about  that." 

"Tlie  patriots  at  home  were  not  idle  during 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08  .29 

all  this  time.  The  men  of  greatest  ability  and 
prominence  at  the  head  of  the  movement  in 
Dublin  where  the  Directory  kept  its  office 
were  Thomas  Russell,  Thomas  Addis  Emmet, 
Arthur  O'Connor,  and  Dr.  McNevin. 

The  work  of  enrolling  the  peasantry 
throughout  Ireland  as  members  of  the  United 
Irishmen  went  on  steadily.  Towards  the  close 
of  the  year  '97  there  were  500,000  reported 
ready  to  take  up  arms  when  called  upon.  Of 
these  about  300,000  had  secured  firelocks  or 
pikes;  100,000  belonged  to  Ulster;  about 
60,000  were  counted  from  Leinster,  and  the 
remainder  from  Connaught  and  Munster. 

The  office  of  Commander-in-chief  was  given 
to  Lord  Edward  Fitzgerald,  a  young  and 
active  patriot  who  had  been  formerly  a  Major 
in  the  British  army. 

For  all  these  recruits  there  was  not  a  supply 
of  arms  and  other  necessary  stores;  but  for 
such  supplies  they  depended  on  France;  and 
they  delayed  the  time  of  rising  until  the  arrival 
of  the  fleet  expected  through  the  exertions  of 
Wolfe  Tone. 

Althoug'h  these  plans  were  laid  with  the 
greatest  secrecy  you  will  not  wonder  to  hear 
that  the  castle  officials  at  Dublin  were  in- 
formed of  everything  by  their  spies,  who  car- 
ried the  news  to  them  from  day  to  day. 

Several  arrests  were  made.  The  most  active 
leaders  were  cast  into  prison.  I  am  sorry  to 
have  to  ,  say  that  there  were  some  traitors 
among  the  rebels  who  reported  to  the  authori- 


30  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

ties  at  the  Castle  all  that  was  going  on.  For 
this,  of  course,  they  were  well  rewarded;  for 
bribes  were  held  out  every  day  to  any  such 
mran  wretches  who  would  betray  their  coun- 
trymen. 

It  may  appear  strange  to  you  when  I  say 
that  the  English  government  desired  to  see 
the  Irish  start  a  rebellion.  Although  there  was 
a  good  deal  of  show  made  of  opposition  to  an 
insurrection,  yet  all  this  time  and  for  some 
years  before  the  officials  of  the  castle  tried 
various  ways  of  provoking  the  people  to  open 
warfare. 

Here  Felix  spoke  up.  "Do  you  mean,"  said 
he,  "that  the  English  wished  the  Irish  to  re- 
bel— forced  them  to  rebel,  and  then  arrested 
them  and  hanged  them  for  rebelling?" 

"Exactly,"  was  the  reply. 
^  "I  would  be  a  rebel,  too!"  shouted  Tom  ex- 
citedly, "if  I  lived  in  those  times!" 

"That  is  what  a  great,  honest  English  soj- 
dier,  Sir  John  Moore,  said  when  he  saw  how 
the  Irish  were  treated,"  replied  the  grand- 
father. His  words  were:  "If  I  were  an  Irish- 
man I  would  be  a  rebel.  " 

"The  reason  why  the  English  government 
v/ere  pleased  to  see  an  Irish  insurrection  break 
out  was  in  order  to  have  a  pretext  for  doing 
away  with  the  Irish  parliament,  and  uniting 
Ireland  with  England  to  be  ruled  only  by  the 
English  parliament  in  London. 

All  this  was  planned  by  the  ministers  of 
George  HI.  even  as  early  as  '93.     The  Irish 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  31 

parliament  had  become  a  tool  in  the  hands  of 
those  ministers  who  were  sent  over  year  after 
year  to  create  new  members  of  the  House  of 
Lords  such  as  would  be  ready  to  vote  any 
measure  the  King's  deputies  wanted,  and  to 
fill  the  House  of  Commons  with  a  crowd  of 
members  not  by  honest  elections,  but  by  brib- 
ery and  other  disreputable  methods. 

In  such  a  parliament  it  was  easy  to  rush 
through  those  various  oppressive  laws  which 
followed. 

The  Catholics  were  deprived  of  all  voice  at 
elections.  It  was  declared  unlawful  for  any- 
one to  have  arms  in  his  possession.  A  new 
power  was  given  to  common  magistrates 
everywhere,  and  even  to  military  officers,  to 
arrest  and  convict  anyone  they  might  suspect 
as  favoring  the  rebelion. 

The  English  troops  stationed  in  the  various 
districts  could  do  as  they  pleased.  These  sol- 
diers cared  nothing  for  the  feelings  of  the 
families  where  they  took  forcible  lodging. 
They  were  Orangemen  for  the  most  part;  and, 
of  course,  it  was  their  inclination  to  be  as  in- 
sulting as  possible  to  the  Catholics  whilst  it 
was  their  business  to  provoke  resistance. 

You  easily  see  that  where  common  soldiers 
were  allowed  such  liberties  the  life  of  a  rebel, 
or  one  suspected  as  a  rebel,  was  not  thought 
of  much  value. 

Wherever  the  officers  happened  to  be  un- 
usually cruel  and  brutish  many  innocent  per- 
sons were  executed  without  the  formality  of 


32  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

a  trial,  and  various  kinds  of  cruelties  were  in- 
flicted on  the  defenseless  peasantry — some- 
times to  terrify  them  into  submission  and 
sometimes  to  extort  information  about  those 
suspected  of  disloyalty.  Some  of  these  cruel- 
ties make  one  shudder  to  think  of  them.  It  is 
only  among  savage  nations  we  could  imagine 
such  horrors  possible. 

The  testimony  of  a  new  commander  of  the 
royal  forces  sent  over  in  November,  '97,  leaves 
no  doubt  on  the  subject.  He  was  a  gallant 
Scotch  soldier  with  half  a  century  of  brave  ser- 
vice in  his  record,  and  after  a  week's  residence 
in  Dublin  he  was  forced  to  condemn  in  the 
most  energetic  terms  the  barbarous  policy  of 
government  as  administered  at  that  time. 
Writing  in  confidence  to  his  son,  he  says: 
"The  abuses  of  all  kinds  I  found  here  can 
scarcely  be  believed  or  enumerated." 


CHAPTER  IV. 

CONFLICT    BEGUN. 

No  wonder  that  the  rising  was  hastened  un- 
der such  a  state  of  things.  Although  favorable 
reports  continued  to  come  from  Tone  and  his 
companions  in  France  yet  it  was  thought  bet- 
ter delay  the  actual  uprising  until  the  expected 
troops  and  supplies  should  land. 

The  government  forces  were  now  increased 
at  the  different  garrisons  throughout  the  prov- 
inces. Of  yeomanry — chiefly  Orangemen  and 
militia  with  English  and  Scotch  corps  there 
were  about  35,000.  Of  regular  troops  with 
new  additions  the  number  was  80,000. 

Against  this  army  of  115,000  men  the  rebels 
could  count  on  300,000  ready  to  take  the  field, 
but,  of  course,  not  so  well  armed  and  without 
the  training  and  discipline  of  regular  troops. 

The  Castle  authorities  at  Dublin  became 
alarmed  on  learning  that  the  city  garrisons 
were  to  be  among  the  first  marked  out  for  an 
attack. 

During  the  first  months  of  '98  important  ar- 
rests were  made  among  the  heads  of  the  in- 
surrection. Among  them  were  Father  James 
Quigley,  Arthur  O'Connor  and  the  brothers 
John  and  Benjamin  Binn.  They  were  inter- 
cepted on  their  way  to  France  towards  the  end 
of  February.  On  the  12th  of  March  the  Leins- 


34  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

ter  delegates  were  seized  with  all  their  papers 
at  the  house  of  Oliver  Bond  in  Bridge  street, 
Dublin.  Thomas  Addis  Emmet  and  Dr.  Mc- 
Nevin  were  taken  in  their  own  houses,  and 
William  Sampson  in  the  north  of  England. 
Lord  Edward  Fitzgerald,  the  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  rebel  army,  after  evading  the  gov- 
ernment spies  successfully  for  two  months, 
was  at  last  taken  on  the  19th  of  May  at  his  hid- 
ing place  in  Thomas  street. 

Left  without  a  head,  the  insurgents  deter- 
mined to  go  on  and  strike  the  first  blow  on  the 
23d,  as  had  been  decided  some  time  before. 

The  signal  for  making  the  first  attack  was 
the  departure  of  the  mail  coaches  from  the 
Dublin  post  office  at  night.  They  were  to  be 
simultaneously  stopped. 

The  assault  to  be  made  on  the  castle  and 
other  forts  about  the  city  had  to  be  abandoned; 
but  a  well  armed  force  of  insurgents  com- 
menced action  at  Rathfarnham,  a  village  about 
three  miles  northwest  of  the  city,  where  a  body 
of  yeomanry  under  Lord  Ely  were  stationed. 
The  charge  was  successful  for  some  time  and 
a  retreat  made  only  after  a  force  of  dragoons 
under  Lord  Roden  arrived  in  haste  from  the 
cit3^ 

The  garrison  at  Naas,  in  Kildare  County, 
was  also  attacked  by  a  large  force.  Three 
times  the  charge  was  made  with  great  deter- 
mination, but  the  rebels  were  forced  to  yield 
after  losing  140  of  their  men. 

Similar  engagements  took  place  at  no  less 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '<)8  35 

than  a  dozen  places  in  the  one  county  of  Kil- 
dare.  Never  did  soldiers  fight  with  more  reso- 
lution, as  never  did  a  people  rise  in  self-defence 
having  a  more  just  cause  for  going  to  war. 
But  something  else  was  needed  as  well  as  hero- 
ism and  courage.  The  want  of  effective  arms 
alone  prevented  success.  The  old-fashioned 
pikes  and  firelocks  could  aid  little  in  resisting 
the  charge  of  cavalry  and  an  unfailing  supply 
of  ammunition. 

At  the  town  of  Prosperous  a  small  garrison 
of  Cork  militia  was  cut  ofT  by  a  brave  charge 
under  Dr.  Esmonde.  This  brave  leader  was 
betrayed  a  few  weeks  afterward  and  executed. 

At  Monasterevan  the  rebels  were  repulsed 
with  great  loss.  They  were  victors  at  Rath- 
anagan,  whfere  they  held  the  town  for  several 
days.  The  force  that  captured  Prosperous 
tried  to  repeat  their  skill  of  arms  in  Clane,  but 
were  forced  to  retire. 

At  old  Kilcullen  a  strong  force  of  the  regular 
army  was  defeated,  having  lost  22  men  along 
with  Captian  Erskine. 

In  one  week  from  the  first  battle  the  Kildare 
fighting  was  all  over.  The  six  encampments 
of  rebels  in  this  county  were  dispersed,  and  all 
their  most  active  officers  were  in  prison  or  had 
fled  to  the  south  or  west. 

An  important  movement  was  planned  by 
several  adjoining  counties.  Their  united  forces 
were  to  meet  on  the  famous  hill  of  Tara  on  the 
27th  of  May  in  order  to  make  a  bold  attack  on 
some  neighboring  posts  of  the  enemy. 


36  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

The  men  of  Cavan,  Longford,  Louth  and 
Monaghan  were  late  in  arriving  on  the  date 
fixed,  and  a  powerful  government  force 
reached  the  place  before  them  and  surrounded 
the  hill.  The  rebel  camp,  however,  small  as  it 
was,  made  a  desperate  fight  in  defending  their 
position,  and,  although  forced  to  retire,  they 
left  26  Highlanders  and  six  yeomanry  dead  on 
the  field. 

At  Dunlavin  an  attack  on  the  barracks 
failed.  During  the  engagement  here  it  turned 
out  that  some  of  the  yeomanry  were  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  rebels.  By  order  of  a  military 
inquiry  into  their  guilt  19  Wexfordmen  and  9 
Kildare  men  were  executed. 

Next  followed  assaults  on  the  towns  of 
Blessington  and  Carlow.  The  former  was  be- 
sieged and  easily  taken;  at  the  latter  the  enemy 
proved  too  strong. 

We  now  turn  to  Wexford  where  the  fiercest 
fighting  took  place.  In  no  other  part  of  Ire- 
land did  the  royal  troops  meet  such  long  and 
stubborn  resistance.  .  Although  this  county 
was  not  reported  as  having  made  much  prep- 
aration for  the  revolt  it  turned  out  soon  to  be 
the  best  united  when  the  spark  of  war  was 
fanned  by  the  news  from  other  conflicts. 

The  people  of  this  section  were  rather  op- 
posed to  the  rising  as  it  had  been  planned;  for 
they  adopted  the  opinion  of  the  Catholic  clergy 
generally  that  the  country  was  not  sufficiently 
prepared  for  such  a  vast  undertaking  when 
the  strength  of  the  English  forces  now  in- 
creased at  all  points  was  considered. 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  37 

But  after  the  actual  conflict  when  tidings  of 
partial  victories  on  the  side  of  the  insurgents 
spread  as  far  as  the  Southern  provinces  the 
natives  became  more  hopeful  and  emboldened 
to  take  a  part  along  with  their  brethren  of  the 
central  and  northern  counties. 

Besides  the  conduct  of  the  troops  of  yeo- 
manry at  the  dififerent  garrisons  became  more 
and  more  brutal.  Groundless  charges  against 
the  peaceful  inhabitants  were  everywhere 
made.  Outrages  of  the  most  barbarous  kind 
were  inflicted  on  people  on  the  mere  suspicion 
of  disloyalty;  and  so  intense  were  the  feelings 
of  resentment  roused  in  the  breasts  of  all  that 
it  became  impossible  to  restrain  them  any 
longer.  From  peaceful  citizens  they  were 
driven  to  the  desperate  resolution  of  defending 
by  arms  what  they  despaired  of  saving  by 
peaceful  measures. 

We  notice  here  a  rather  singular  feature  in 
the  uprising  not  found  in  other  places.  It  is 
the  active  part  taken  by  several  priests  in  some 
important  battles. 

The  young  listeners  showed  more  and  more 
eagerness  to  catch  every  word  as  the  story 
grew  full  of  new  and  startling  events. 

'T  thought,"  broke  in  Felix,  ''that  priests 
could  not  take  part  in  war." 

"They  are  not  allowed  by  the  rules  of  the 
church  to  carry  arms  or  fight  in  battle,"  replied 
the  grandfather.  'Tn  case  a  priest's  life  is 
threatened  he  can  lawfully  defend  himself  like 
any  other  man.     But  beyond  that  priests  are 


38  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08 

not  to  take  part  in  the  shedding  of  blood.  On 
the  battlefield  they  are  allowed  to  be  present 
for  the  purpose  of  giving  spiritual  aid  to  the 
dying,  and  in  this  way  they  bear  a  very  valu- 
able part  in  every  just  war. 

At  this  particular  time  in  Wexford  there 
were  circumstances  which  appeared  to  justify 
the  unusual  part  which  they  did  take. 

Among  the  many  atrocities  inflicted  on  the 
quiet  peasantry  by  the  insulting  royal  troops 
was  the  burning"  of  the  Catholic  chapels 
throughout  the  country.  There  were  65  of 
these  houses  of  worship  destroyed  in  Leinster 
alone  during  the  rebellion,  and  22  of  them  be- 
longed to  Wexford.  It  is  worth  notice  that 
only  one  Protestant  church  was  destroyed  in 
retaliation  during  the  same  period. 

The  names  of  the  priests  who  led  the  rebels 
in  battle  were  Father  John  Murphy  of  Kilcor- 
mick.  Father  Michael  Murphy  of  Gorey, 
Father  Philip  Roche,  Father  Clinch  and 
Father  Kearns. 

One  fine  morning — it  was  Whit  Sunday, 
May  27th — as  Father  John  Murphy  visited  his 
chapel  at  Kilcormick  he  found  the  building  in 
ashes — the  work  of  a  body  of  yeomanry  who 
had  passed  that  way. 

His  indignation  was  aroused.  From  that 
moment  his  mind  was  made  up  to  lead  his 
people  in  defence  of  their  homes  and  lives 
now  exposed  every  momnt  to  the  license  of  the 
foreign  troops.  He  addressed  the  congregation 
assembled   around   him,   and   in  view   of  the 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  89 

ruined  chapel  he  offered  himself  to  be  their 
leader  even  in  armed  resistance,  since  there 
was  now  no  other  way  of  removing  the  horrors 
from  which  they  suffered.  Was  it  not  better, 
he  said,  to  meet  death  in  a  fair  field  than  suffer 
the  tortures  which  they  could  hardly  escape 
in  their  peaceful  homes. 

In  a  short  time  2,000  of  the  country  people 
were  under  his  command.  A  supply  of  arms 
was  hastily  collected  and  every  man  prepared 
to  do  his  part,  making  up  by  enthusiasm  and 
valor  for  the  imperfect  manner  of  their  equip- 
ment. This  sturdy  band  took  a  position  on  the 
hill  called  Oulart,  about  11  miles  north  of  the 
town  of  Wexford,  where  they  hoped  to  be 
joined  soon  by  a  much  larger  force.  They  were 
attacked  on  the  same  afternoon  by  the  royalist 
troops,  composed  of  North  Cork  militia  under 
Colonel  Foote,  with  some  yeomen  and  Wex- 
ford cavalry. 

Aided  by  their  position  the  rebels  made  a 
brave  defence.  They  proved  themselves 
skilled  in  the  use  of  arms.  The  attacking  troops 
began  to  fall  fast  from  the  moment  they  came 
within  sight,  and  leaving  their  dead  and 
wounded  scattered  around  the  base  of  the  hill 
the  cavalry  turned  back,  galloping  in  disorder 
to  the  county  town. 

The  success  of  this  beginning  was  reported 
quickly  all  over  the  county,  and  the  people  be- 
came thoroughly  aroused. 

On  the  same  day  Father  Michael  Murphy, 
who  was  parish  priest    of    Gorey,  found  his 


40  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

chapel  wrecked,  and  like  his  brother  John  at 
Kilcormick,  full  of  indignation,  he  proceeded 
at  once  to  join  the  rebels,  who  were  assembled 
at  Kilthomas  Hill,  near  Carnew.  Means  were 
taken  to  notify  every  section  of  the  county  to 
unite  in  arms.  Bonfires  were  kindled  on  the 
tops  of  the  highest  hills  as  signals  to  the  in- 
habitants, while  horsemen  were  dispatched  to 
give  orders  everywhere  as  the  leaders  had  de- 
cided. 

The  insurgents  found  themselves  strong 
enough  to  seize  the  neighboring  towns  held  by 
the  royal  troops. 

On  the  28th  they  took  possession  of  Ferns, 
Camolin  and  Enniscorthy  after  a  short  en- 
counter. In  taking  the  latter  town  the  fight 
lasted  four  hours,  when  the  yeomanry  lost  80 
men,  a  captain,  and  two  lieutenants.  The  rest 
fied  to  Wexford,  where  was  stationed  a  strong 
garrison,  composed  of  300  North  Cork  militia, 
200  Donegal,  and  700  of  the  home  militia. 
Here  the  town  was  surrendered  to  the  rebels 
without  opposition. 

On  the  30th  of  the  month  (Wednesday)  a 
large  force  of  the  enemy  from  the  fortress  at 
Duncannon  advanced  to  retake  the  town;  but 
they  were  attacked  unexpectedly  from  the 
rebel  camp  that  had  prepared  for  the  assault  a 
few  miles  outside  the  town.  The  enemy  lost 
three  officers  and  about  100  men.  Besides  the 
number  killed  there  were  several  prisoners  as 
well  as  three  howitzers  and  11  gunners  seized 
by  the  rebels.     Those  three  considerable  vie- 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  41 

tories  inside  of  one  week  inspired  the  victors 
with  greater  ambition.  They  naturally  believed 
the  northern  and  midland  counties  equally 
active  ,or,  at  least  able  to  keep  in  check  the 
royalist  forces  in  their  province;  and  a  deter- 
mination was  formed  to  march  on  even  as  far 
as  Dublin  itself. 

With  this  object  the  main  part  of  their  body 
was  to  advance  under  command  of  Anthony 
Perry,  Esmond  Kyan  and  the  two  brother 
priests,  Fathers  John  and  Michael  Murphy. 
Their  route  for  the  capital  was  to  take  in  the 
towns  of  Arklow  and  Wicklow. 

A  second  division  under  Father  Kearns  and 
Father  Clinch,  as  well  as  Messrs.  Fitzgerald, 
Doyle  and  Redmond,  was  to  attack  New  Ross, 
and  endeavor  to  hasten  the  rising  in  Munster. 

A  third  division  led  by  Father  Philip  Roche 
and  Bagnal  Harvey  planned  a  union  with 
Carlow,  Kilkenny  and  Kildare. 

The  first  division  proceeded  northward  on 
the  1st  of  June  with  the  object  of  capturing 
Gorey.  This  town  contained  a  strong  force  of 
the  enemy  under  General  Loftus.  The  rebels 
were  met  by  a  detachment  sent  out  to  meet 
them.  In  an  encounter  following  they  were 
defeated  and  driven  back  with  a  loss  of  lOO 
killed  and  wounded. 

Re-enforcements  now  arriving  from  various 
quarters  to  aid  the  enemy,  a  united  attack  was 
planned  under  Loftus,  by  which  the  rebel  camp 
on  Corrigrua  Hill  would  be  forced  to  sur- 
render. This  design  was  foreseen  by  the  rebels, 
and  they  made  their  own  arrangements. 


42  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

A  position  was  taken  along  the  main  road 
leading-  to  their  former  elevated  fortifications 
on  the  hill.  Convinced  that  the  enemy  would 
surely  pass  that  way  in  full  force  they  con- 
cealed themselves  among  the  thick  growth  of 
shrubbery  that  grew  on  either  side  where  the 
road  bends  through  a  narrow  valley  with  deep 
trenches  and  uneven  mounds  of  earth,  offering 
a  secure  retreat. 

The  enemy  advancing  with  solid  ranks  fell 
into  the  trap  prepared  for  them,  and  unsuspect- 
ing anything  to  impede  their  progress  a  sud- 
den volley  from  the  rebel  ambush  fell  among 
the  troops  with  deadly  effect. 

The  first  fire  was  followed  up  by  a  general 
charge  from  the  rebels,  who  rushed  from  their 
biding  places  and  completely  overpowered  the 
unsuspecting  troops. 

The  desperate  charge  was  continued  all 
along  the  line.  Colonel  Walpole  fell  among 
the  first,  and  hundreds  of  the  common  ranks 
lay  strewn  along  the  highway.  Three  guns 
were  captured — two  six-pounders  and  one 
howitzer — and  used  against  the  routed  royal- 
ists, who  were  now  in  utter  confusion  and  put 
to  flight.  A  supply  of  ammunition  and  other 
valuable  spoils  were  taken. 

Meanwhile  the  bodv  of  rebels  under  Fathers 
Kearns  and  Clinch  left  their  camping  ground 
on  Vinegar  Hill  and  prepared  for  the  siege  of 
Newtownbarry.  The  royalist  garrison  here 
was  under  command  of  Colonel  L'Estrange, 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  43 

and  amounted  to  about  800  regulars  with  a 
troop  of  dragoons  and  supplied  with  two  bat- 
talion guns. 

On  the  2d  of  June  tlie  assault  was  com- 
menced. The  rebels  took  possession  after  a 
short  but  lively  conflict.  Their  success,  how- 
ever, they  neglected  to  follow  up.  Precious 
time  was  lost  while  they  dispersed  for  plunder 
or  refreshment;  and  the  enemy  rallying  for  a 
fresh  encounter,  re-entered  the  town  in 
triumph.  In  this  action  the  rebels  lost  400  of 
their  men. 


CHAPTER  V. 

BATTLES    AT    NEW    ROSS,    ARKLOW,    AND 
VINEGAR    HILL. 

Decisive  engagements  now  followed  in  rapid 
succession.  That  at  New  Ross  is  the  next  to 
deserve  notice.  The  leaders  of  the  insurgents 
in  this  action  were  Father  Roche  and  Bagenal 
Harvey.  The. force  at  their  command  was  con- 
siderable. Some  reported  it  as  20,000  men. 
This  is  probably  an  exaggeration. 

However,  the  town  was  well  fortified  and 
presented  difficulties  rather  serious  even  to  this 
large  invading  army. 

On  the  5th  of  June  the  conflict  began.  For 
10  hours  the  besieged  resisted  the  determined 
charge  of  the  rebels,  who  at  last  entered, the 
town  as  victors.  The  garrison  lost  one  colonel, 
three  captains,  and  200  among  the  ranks.  The 
loss  on  the  other  side  was  three  times  that 
number. 

The  victory  here,  however,  was  spoiled  in 
the  same  way  as  at  Newtownbarry  three  days 
before.  Needing  rest  and  refreshment  after 
the  prolonged  encounter  of  the  forenoon  the 
rebels  gave  an  opportunity  to  the  enemy  to 
rally  their  forces  and  return  conquerors  into 
the  town  from  which  they  had  been  lately  ex- 
pelled. ' 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  45 

The  insurgents  retired  in  security  to  their 
camp  on  Corbet  Hill. 

The  rebel  division  that  we  left  victorious  at 
Gorey  decided  to  march  on  Arklow.  With 
this  object  tliey  set  out  on  the  9th  of  June.  As 
the  town  was  situated  on  the  coast  it  had  re- 
ceived new  supplies  recently  from  the  English 
fleet  that  had  been  cruising  in  the  channel  for 
some  time. 

From  Dublin  also  came  additional  forces  to 
its  defence  under  General  Needham.  The  at- 
tack was  expected  and  a  strong  barricade  was 
constructed  on  all  the  main  approaches.  Yet 
there  was  nothing  in  all  this  to  lessen  the  ardor 
of  the  rebels  to  continue  their  successful 
course. 

The  enqmy,  however,  had  so  many  advan- 
tages on  their  side  that  bravery  and  numbers 
could  not  make  up  for  discipline. 

After  an  engagement  that  lasted  six  hours 
the  rebels  lost  1,500  of  their  men  and  were 
forced  to  retreat,  taking  with  them  a  large 
number  of  wounded.  The  royalists  acknowl- 
ledged  the  loss  of  100  killed,  including  Captain 
Knox,  and  about  as  many  wounded. 

In  this  battle  Father  Michael  Murphy  fell 
after  bravely  leading  his  men  to  the  charge  for 
the  third  time. 

Tlie  scattered  rebels  were  now  obliged  to 
unite  their  forces  on  Vinegar  Hill  to  be  able 
to  resist  the  combined  armies  that  arrived  from 
different  quarters  with  the  intention  of  striking 
a  decisive  blow  at  the  rebellion  in  that  county. 


46  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08 

The  prospects  had  become  less  hopeful  now 
for  them.  Munster  had  still  remained  inactive, 
while  the  North  and  West  did  not  engage  the 
attention  of  the  new  re-enforcements  from 
England. 

Vinegar  Hill,  therefore,  was  to  be  the  battle- 
field for  all  Wexford,  and  a  united  effort  was 
to  be  made  against  such  an  overwhelming 
force. 

Lord  Lake  had  charge  of  the  royalists  as 
commander-in-chief.  His  attack  on  the  rebel 
encampment  was  fixed  for  the  20th  of  June. 
All  his  available  forces  were  ordered  to  take  up 
commanding  positions  under  six  generals,  as 
follows:  General  Dundas  arriving  from  Wick- 
low,  was  to  join  Loftus  at  Carnew;  Henry 
Johnson,  with  Sir  James  Dufif  at  Old  Ross; 
Sir  Charles  Asgill  was  to  occupy  Gore's  bridge 
and  Borris.  Sir  John  Moore  was  to  join  his 
forces  lately  landed  with  Johnson  and  Duff. 

Part  of  these  arrangements  were  prevented 
by  unexpected  encounters  with  rebel  detach- 
ments, but  on  the  appointed  day  the  royal 
troops  drawn  about  the  hill  were  altog'ether 
about  13,000.  The  rebel  camp  contained  20,- 
000.  The  different  columns  of  the  enemy  ad- 
vanced up  the  slopes  of  the  hill  on  three  sides 
and  opened  a  steady  fire  on  the  rebels. 

They  met  with  a  desperate  resistance,  which 
was  kept  up  for  an  hour  and  a  half.  At  length 
the  contest  proved  unequal.  The  deadly  effect 
of  the  enemy's  guns  on  different  points  pro- 
duced a  panic.    The  rebels  broke  into  a  disor- 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  47 

derly  flight  by  the  unguarded  side  of  the  hill. 
Pursued  by  the  royalist  cavalry  over  the  level 
country  they  were  cut  down  without  resistance 
and  lost  during  the  encounter  not  less  than  400 
of  their  number. 

The  loss  on  the  other  side  was  about  200 
killed  and  wounded.  The  only  leader  among 
the  rebels  to  fall  here  was  Father  Clinch.  Dur- 
ing the  retreat  he  encountered  Lord  Roden, 
whom  he  wounded,  but  was  himself  shot  down 
by  a  trooper  who  came  to  the  rescue  of  his 
general. 

After  this  defeat  the  insurgents  dispersed  in 
several  distinct  bands ;  some  by  way  of  Gorey 
towards  the  Wicklow  mountains ;  others  retir- 
ing nearer  the  coast,  or  wherever  they  could 
await  in  security  for  new  tidings  from  their 
confederates  of  Munster,  whom  they  long  ex- 
pected to  come  forward  to  their  aid. 

The  town  of  Wexford  surrendered  to  Lord 
Lake  on  the  22d,  and  Father  Roche,  with 
Harvey,  his  fellow  leader,  having  lost  all  hope, 
laid  down  their  arms.  Although  their  surren- 
der was  accepted  with  the  condition  of  clem- 
ency they  were  executed  soon  after  along  with 
many  others  who  yielded  to  the  victors  on  what 
they  understood  to  be  honorable  terms. 

Of  the  engagements  immediately  following 
in  this  province  there  were  two  quite  notable 
and  of  serious  embarrassment  to  the  roval 
troops. 

One  took  place  in  Wicklow  and  the  other  at 
Castlecomer,  in  the  County  of  Kilkenny. 


48  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

The  insurgents  in  the  County  Wicklow  were 
not  as  strong  in  numbers  as  their  neghbors  of 
Wexford,  but  they  were  able  to  hold  in  check 
the  advances  of  the  king's  army  much  longer 
on  account  of  the  character  of  the  country. 

Deep  glens  and  a  variety  of  mountain  re- 
treats which  abound  everywhere  furnished 
them  with  valuable  posts  of  defence. 

They  were  not  wanting  in  vigorous  prep- 
aration when  the  news  spread  from  other 
scenes  of  battle. 

Their  most  noted  leaders  were  the  Byrne 
brothers  of  Ballymanus,  with  their  able  com- 
rades, Holt  and  Hackett. 

On  the  25th  of  June  a  brief  engagement  took 
place  at  Hacketstown  that  turned  out  against 
them,  but  on  the  30th  they  obtained  a  decided 
victory  at  Ballyellis,  where  they  were  attacked 
by  a  stong  detachment  under  General  Need- 
ham. 

A  trap  was  laid  for  the  enemy  similar  to  that 
near  the  town  of  Wexford  some  days  before 
and  was  equally  successful.  Needham's  army 
was  decoyed  into  a  ravine,  where  a  skilful  am- 
buscade was  set  for  them  by  the  rebels,  who 
fell  upon  them  with  a  deadly  fire.  Two  ofBcers 
were  killed  along  with  60  of  the  rank.  The 
rest  fled  in  disorder  to  the  shelter  of  their  camp. 
Other  skirmshes  of  a  similar  kind  took  place 
on  the  2d  of  July,  but  on  the  4th  the  insurgents 
were  surrounded  by  various  detachments  of 
the  enemy  and  forced  to  surrender. 

Father  Kearns,  with  Anthony  Perry,  who 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  40 

had  taken  part  in  the  battle  at  Vinegar  Hill, 
marched  into  Kildare  to  join  some  confederate 
bands  still  remaining  armed  in  that  section 
After  a  futile  attempt  to  reach  Athlone  they 
were  forced  to  seek  for  safety  by  dispersing  in 
small  bodies,  and  the  brave  leaders,  Father 
Kearns  and  Mr.  Perry  were  taken  prisoners 
and  executed. 

Another  band  of  Wexford  men  led  by 
Father  John  Murphy  and  Walter  Devereux, 
after  the  Vinegar  Hill  defeat,  proceeded  to  the 
adjoining  County  of  Kilkenny.  They  besieged 
Castlecomer  and  easily  took  possession  of  the 
town.  After  this  they  advanced  toward  Athy 
in  Kildare.  Several  divisions  of  the  govern-' 
ment  troops  from  the  neighboring  garrisons 
here  3topped  their  progress,  and  they  returned 
to  Old  Leighlin.  Father  Murphy  was  cap- 
tured and  conveyed  a  pisoner  to  General  Duff's 
headquarters  at  Tullow.  He  was  tried  by  a 
military  commission  and  convicted  as  a  very 
dangerous  rebel  was  executed.  His  body  was 
burned  and  his  head  spiked  on  the  market 
house  of  Tullow. 


D 


CHAPTER  VL 

SOME    BATTLES    IN    ULSTER. 

Friends  of  the  revolution  had  looked  to 
Ulster  for  great  things  from  the  beginning. 
It  was  tliere  that  the  patriotic  spirit  first  burst 
out,  and  plans  were  laid  five  years  before  the 
actual  outbreak.  In  no  other  province  were 
the  people  so  well  organized.  The  counties  of 
Antrim  and  Down  were  especially  active.  A 
determined  effort  was  in  preparation  until  the 
chief  leaders,  Thomas  Russell  and  Samuel 
Neilson  were  imprisoned.  A  delay  of  some 
weeks  was  caused  by  several  unexpected 
movements  on  the  part  of  the  government, 
which  now  seemed  to  be  aware  of  everything 
planned  in  the  rebel  camps. 

It  was  decided  to  capture  the  town  of  Antrim 
first  as  a  most  favorable  centre  of  operations, 
this  point  being  of  easy  access  to  the  different 
organizations  in  Donegal  and  Down. 

In  the  absence  of  the  original  leaders  a 
prominent  Belfast  cotton  manufacturer  named 
McCracken  volunteered  to  assume  command. 
On  the  7th  of  June  the  assault  was  made.  Vic- 
tory was  on  the  side  of  the  rebels,  and  they 
were  on  the  point  of  entering  the  town  when  a 
detachment  of  the  royal  forces  arrived  to  aid 
their  besieged  brethren,  and  compelled  the  as- 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98     •  51 

sailants  to  retreat.  In  this  battle  about  300  of 
the  rebels  fell.  Of  the  besieged  there  were  five 
of^cers  and  forty-seven  of  the  rank  amono- 
the  killed.  Some  weeks  later  Mr.  McCracken 
and  his  staff  were  arrested  and  after  a  trial  at 
Belfast  were  executed. 

On  the  same  day  while  the  battle  was  fought 
at  Antrim  another  engagement  took  place  at 
baintfield  in  the  County  Down,  where  the 
rebel  force  was  led  by  Dr.  Jackson.  The  army 
on  the  other  side  was  under  Colonel  Stapleton 
and  had  to  retreat  with  loss.  On  the  13th 
Ballinahinch  was  the  scene  of  a  conflict  be- 
tween the  insurgents  under  Henry  Munro  and 
the  regular  government  troops  led  by  General 
Nugent.  The  battle  raged  with  desperation  on 
the  part  of  the  rebels,  who  held  out  with  great 
energy;  but  they  were  finally  defeated.  Munro, 
their  leader,  was  captured  two  days  after  the 
battle  and  was  executed  at  his  own  home  in 
Lisburn. 

The  actual  warfare  in  the  province  contin- 
ued only  one  week.  In  Munster  there  was 
hardly  any  attempt  at  insurrection  during  all 
this  time.  Only  one  skirmish  occurred  near 
the  town  of  Bandon  between  some  imperfectly 
armed  peasantry  and  the  Westmeath  yeo- 
manry. Neither  side  claimed  any  material 
advantage. 


;  CHAPTER  VII. 

AID    FROM    FRANCE    ARRIVES. 

As  the  aged  narrator  went  on  describing 
these  stormy  events  he  was  Hstened  to  atten- 
tively by  the  young  inquirers. 

At  length  they  thought  a  question  might  be 
asked  here  without  interrupting  the  course  of 
the  story. 

"Grandfather,"  said  Felix,  "did  not  the 
French  arrive  yet  to  help  at  the  right  time?" 

"Not  yet,"  was  the  reply.  "They  were  an- 
xiously looked  for  since  the  beginning  of  May. 
Three  months  had  now  passed  without  any 
tidings  from  those  expected  allies.  They  were 
three  months  of  almost  incessant  warfare,  dur- 
ing which  the  native  insurgents  were  left  to 
their  own  resources.  If  assistance  had  come 
at  the  appointed  time  they  would  certainly 
have  driven  the  whole  English  army  out  of 
Ireland." 

Here  Tom,  the  youngest  of  the  listeners, 
thought  he'  might  venture  to  express  his 
opinion. 

"I  am  afraid,"  said  he,  with  an  anxious  ex- 
pression on  his  face,  "their  guns  were  not  of 
the  best  make." 

"Indeed  they  were  far  from  being  in  good 
condition,"  was  the  reply.    "They  were  of  the 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  53 

old  pattern  in  use  at  that  time,  and,  of  course, 
wc  must  expect  that  streaks  of  rust  were  very 
common  on  the  best  of  them.  Besides,  the 
greater  part  of  those  peasant  soldiers  so  has- 
ily  taken  from  their  ploughs  and  domestic  oc- 
cupations, had  no  guns  at  all,  but  did  their 
fighting  with  these  rude  weapons  of  the  coun- 
try called  pikes." 

"Pray  tell  us,  grandfather,"  rejoined  Tom, 
what  sort  of  weapon  was  the  pike?" 

"It  was  somewhat  similar  to  a  spear  in  shape 
and  size,"  replied  the  aged  historian.  A  stout 
wooden  pole  finished  at  the  end  with  an  iron 
blade  of  keen  edge  and  wicked  looking  point — 
that  was  the  sort  of  battle  ax  which  did  such 
damage  to  the  ranks  of  the  English  regulars 
in  the  hands  of  our  Irish  recruits.  Of  artillery 
equipment,  such  as  cannon  and  other  heavy 
engines  of  war,  the  supply  was  very  small.  A 
limited  number  of  such  guns  had  been  secretly 
brought  over  from  the  continent,  and  a  few 
more  were  captured  from  the  King's  regiments 
at  various  successful  raids  by  the  rebels.  This 
short  supply  was  of  little  use  against  an  enemy 
so  numerous  and  completely  armed. 

To  resume  the  course  of  events  after  the 
Ulster  campaign  at  Ballinahinch  our  attention 
is  called  to  Connaught. 

This  province  was  well  organized  from  an 
early  date.  Several  thousand  refugees  who 
had  fled  here  from  the  North  during  the 
Orange  oppression  of  '95,  '96  and  '97  taught 
the  Western  people  the  necessity  and  the  art 
of  armed  resistance. 


54  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

On  the  22d  of  August  the  much  desired 
news  of  a  French  fleet  appearing  off  the  coast 
of  SHgo  spread  dehght  among  the  native 
patriots.  Three  frigates  anchored  in  Kilala 
Bay  with  i,ooo  men  and  a  supply  of  arms  for 
a  Uke  number,  as  well  as  other  valuable  stores, 
under  command  of  the  French  General,  Hum- 
bert. 

The  arrival  of  the  friendly  fleet  was  inspir- 
ing even  at  this  late  stage  of  the  conflict.  It 
was  far  from  being  the  powerful  force  prom- 
ised two  years  before  by  the  men  at  the  head 
of  affairs  then  in  France. 

The  neglect  to  carry  out  those  promisq^  on 
the  part  of  the  French  is  explained  by  the  un- 
settled condition  of  political  affairs  in  the 
French  nation  at  that  time.  The  new  republic 
had  been  established  only  a  few  years,  and 
complete  unity  was  not  yet  assured  between 
the  leaders  having  control  of  government.  In 
such  a  state  of  affairs  it  became  possible  for 
General  Humbert  to  fit  out  this  small  expedi- 
tion on  his  own  authority  in  the  absence  of 
Napoleon  with  his  superior  forces  in  the  dis- 
tant Egyptian  enterprise. 

The  French  people  as  a  whole  were  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  Irish,  and  were  ready  to  aid 
that  people  in  securing  independence  just  as 
they  had  so  lately  helped  the  Americans  to 
throw  off  the  yoke  of  England. 

But  there  were  jealousies  and  varied  ambi- 
tions among  the  military  commanders  and 
others  placed  in  authority,  so  that  the  ardent 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08  5i5 

wish  of  the  people,  including  the  great  body  of 
the  army,  was  prevented  from  being  fulfilled. 

Napoleon  sadly  regretted  afterwards  his 
great  mistake  in  abandoning  the  Irish  at  the 
very  moment  when  everything  was  favorable 
for  the  success  of  their  efforts  in  the  cause  of 
freedom. 

In  his  place  of  exile  at  St.  Helena  he  ad- 
mitted the  mistake  he  had  made  in  not  allowing 
General  Hoche  to  resume  the  invasion  which 
w^as  commenced  at  Bantry  Bay  in  the  winter 
of  '96.  In  conversation  with  Barry  O'Meara 
on  this  subject  he  said:  "Hoche  was  one  of  the 
first  generals  France  ever  produced.  He  was 
brave,  intelligent,  aboundnig  in  talent,  decisive 
and  penetrating.  Had  he  landed  in  Ireland  he 
w^ould  have  succeeded.  He  w^as  accustomed  to 
civil  war,  had  pacified  La  Vendee,  and  was 
well  adapted  for  Ireland.  If  instead  of  the  ex- 
pedition to  Egypt  I  had  undertaken  that  to 
Ireland  what  could  England  do  now?  On  such 
chances  depend  the  destinies  of  Empires!" 

The  landing  of  the  French  troops  and  stores 
at  Killala  was  hastily  accomplished.  The 
native  leaders  of  the  rebel  army  in  that  prov- 
ince were  prompt  in  laying  before  Humbert 
their  plans  of  action.  The  most  distinguished 
among  them  were  Messrs.  O'Donnell,  Moore, 
Bellew,  Barrett,  O'Dow^d  and  O'Donnell  of 
Mayo,  Blake  of  Galway,  and  Plunket  of  Ros- 
common. Three  days  were  spent  in  distribut- 
ing arms  among  the  new  recruits  summoned 
hastily  from  every  part  of  the  adjoining  coun- 


56  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08 

ties.  Part  of  the  time  was  given  to  their  in- 
struction and  drill  in  the  use  of  arms.  The  in- 
habitants of  this  small  seaport  town  joined 
heartily  in  all  the  bustle  and  enthusiastic 
preparation. 

Never  before  in  their  history  did  they  feel 
so  distinguished  or  sO'  sure  of  future  glory 
from  the  part  they  were  now  taking  in,  the 
cause  of  their  country. 

On  the  fourth  day  from  the  landing  (Sunday, 
August  26th)  the  united  forces  presented  an 
imposing  and  formidable  column  as  their  solid 
ranks  filed  out  of  the  town  with  banners  wav- 
ing and  followed  by  the  loud  applause  of  the 
inhabitants. 

Ballina  was  the  first  stronghold  to  be  seized. 
The  town  surrendered  without  resistance,  and 
on  the  same  night  the  victorious  columns 
marched  for  Castlebar,  the  county  town.  The 
arrival  of  the  foreign  fleet  was  now  known  at 
all  the  government  posts  in  the  country. 

Lord  Lake  and  General  Hutchinson  had  al- 
ready advanced  as  far  as  Castlebar,  where  they 
had  about  3,000  men  under  their  command. 
Humbert  decided  to  take  the  enemy  by  sur- 
prise. He  had  been  accustomed  to  the  long 
marches  and  difficult  country  of  La  Vendee, 
and  a  mountain  road  over  the  pass  of  Barna- 
gee  offered  him  a  safe  route  as  he  descended 
unexpectedly  on  the  camp  of  Lake's  large 
army. 

On  the  march  the  hardy  French  veterans 
tramped  side  by  side    with    the    columns  of 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  57 

native  recruits.  The  former  had  l^een  some 
years  inured  to  the  toils  of  mihtary  hfe  in  their 
own  revokitionary  wars  at  home,  and  were 
equally  skilful  with  the  athletic  Irish  peasants, 
whether  in  vaulting  over  fences  that  came  in 
their  path,  or  in  climbing  the  steep  hillsides, 
in  crossing  ravines,  or  jumping  mountain 
streams. 

Their  sudden  appearance  on  August  27th 
in  solid,  marching  colunms  within  view  of  the 
enemy's  camp  caused  alarm  among  Lake's  in- 
cautious outposts. 

Humbert  drew  up  his  regiments  for  imme- 
diate action.  A  prompt  and  vigorous  assault 
commenced.  The  enemy  repelled  the  attack 
with  desperate  and  deadly  firing,  but  after  a 
short  conflict  were  forced  into  a  disorderly  re- 
treat They  fled  in  scattered  bands — yeomanry 
and  regulars — without  stopping  until  they 
reached  Tuam.  Some  continued  their  hasty 
retreat  as  far  as  Athlone,  more  than  60  miles 
from  the  scene  of  action. 

Among  the  notable  incidents  of  the  rebellion 
this  hasty  flight  has  been  known  as  "the  races" 
in  the  popular  language  of  the  country. 

Among  the  ofHcers  who  distinguished  them- 
selves in  the  battle  were  Mathew  Wolf  Tone 
and  Bartholomew  Teeling.  Thev  accom- 
panied the  fleet  with  Humbert  when  he  set 
out  from  La  Rochelle.  They  had  been  some 
time  in  France  working  with  other  Irish  pat- 
riots in  the  interest  of  the  insurrection. 


58  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  LN  '08 

There  was  no  advantage  to  be  gained  by  the 
rebels  in  continuing  the  pursuit  of  the  fleeing 
enemy  beyond  the  hmits  of  the  county. 

The  spoils  left  in  the  hands  of  the  victors 
were  of  great  value.  Fourteen  British  guns 
and  five  stand  of  colors  were  taken.  Of  the 
losses  in  the  ranks  on  both  sides  the  royalists 
acknowledged  theirs  to  be  as  manw  as  350 
men  with  18  ofThcers — the  French  commander 
estimated  the  killed  on  his  side  to  be  600  men. 

Although  a  new  body  of  reinforcements  to 
relieve  the  royalists  appeared  on  the  borders  of 
the  County  Galway  it  was  decided  to  avoid  a 
fresh  attack  until  time  was  taken  for  delibera- 
tion on  the  campaign  to  follow. 

A  provisional  government  was  established 
at  Castlebear,  with  Mr.  Moore,  of  Moore  Hall, 
as  president.  Proclamations  were  addressed 
to  the  inhabitants  at  large;  commissions  were 
issued  to  raise  men,  and  methods  adopted  to 
pi*ovide  for  the  expenses  to  be  incurred  in 
prosecuting  the  war. 

It  was  evident  that  extensive  preparations 
would  be  needed  to  make  the  rebel  forces  equal 
to  the  coming  struggle. 

Battalions  from  various  British  headquar- 
ters were  advancing  toward  the  camp  at  Cas- 
tlebear. Sir  John  Moore  and  General  Hunter 
were  marching  from  Wexford  towards  the 
Shannon.  General  Taylor  with  2,500  men 
was  on  his  way  to  Sligo.  Colonel  Maxwell 
was  ordered  from  Enniskillen  to  assume  com- 
mand   at    Sligo,  while    the    A^iceroy    leaving 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  59 

Dublin  in  person  advanced  rapidly  through 
the  midland  counties  to  Kilbeggan.  Lake  and 
Hutchinson  were  to  muster  their  scattered 
regiments  and  be  ready  for  the  assault  from 
headquarters  at  Tuam. 

Humbert  found  himself  now  with  his  whole 
army,  both  native  and  foreign — altogether 
about  3,000  men — completely  hemmed  in  on 
every  side.  His  retreat  by  the  sea  was  also  cut 
off,  for  the  frigates  from  which  he  landed  had 
returned  to  France. 

Tidings  were  brought  to  him  from  Ulster 
and  some  of  the  midland  counties  that  several 
large  corps  of  insurgents  were  anxious  to  join 
him  from  their  various  hiding  places,  and  had 
already  started  with  the  hope  of  effecting  a 
union.  Besides,  it  was  understood  that  another 
French  squadron  had  set  sail  and  was  soon  to 
land  on  the  northern  coast.  It  appeared  use- 
less to  hazard  a  battle  with  the  royalist  army 
now  massed  together  in  such  overwhelming 
numbers. 

Within  a  short  distance  opposed  to  him  at 
least  30,000  well  armed  troops  in  several  divi- 
sions, with  as  many  more  in  reserve  and  ready 
to  be  called  into  action  at  a  day's  notice. 

He  decided  to  advance  with  all  his  forces  to- 
wards Ulster,  where  the  desired  relief  might 
come  to  join  him.  His  route  was  by  the  less 
frequented  roads  to  Coolaney,  a  distance  of  35 
miles,  which  he  effected  in  one  day.  A  corps 
of  the  government  militia  intercepted  him 
here,  and  turning    aside    he    passed  rapidly 


60  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

through  Dromahaire,  Manorhamilton  and 
Ballintra,  making  for  Granard,  where  he 
learned  a  formidable  body  of  insurgents  had 
made  preparations  to  meet  him. 

Ever  since  his  landing  at  Killala  several  scat- 
tered bands  of  native  rebels  contrived  to  mus- 
ter in  considerable  force  in  the  counties  of 
Westmeath,  Longford,  and  other  counties  ad- 
joining. They  made  heroic  efforts  to  form  a 
junction  with  the  French  general  and  kept 
him  informed  of  their  designs  by  skilful  horse- 
men who  knew  all  the  secluded  bypaths  and 
easily  evaded  the  numerous  government  spies 
on  the  way. 

When  a  favorable  time  arrived  this  midland 
force  assembled  from  various  quarters  and 
commenced  a  hasty  march  to  what  they  hoped 
to  be  an  important  victory  for  their  country. 
They  were  formidable  in  numbers,  but  their 
military  equipment  consisted  of  a  short  supply 
of  rifles  and  the  usual  home-made  pikes.  They 
were  doomed  to  failure,  and  never  meet  their 
French  allies.  Everything  went  well  on  their 
way  through  Westmeath,  but  after  passing  into 
the  County  Longford  on  the  high  road  ap- 
proaching the  town  of  Granard  a  strong  body 
of  yeomanry  came  up  and  brought  them  to  a 
halt.  A  short  skirmish  took  place  and  ended 
with  a  complete  victory  of  the  yeomanry.  Of 
the  rebels  a  large  number  fell  by  the  roadside 
killed  and  wounded.  When  the  contest  seemed 
hopeless  the  greater  part  fled  in  different  direc- 
tions, many  were  taken  prisoners  and  led  into 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  Cl 

the  town,  where,  after  a  short  detention  in  the 
market  house,  they  were  dragged  to  the  gibbet 
and  the  ghastly  work  of  execution  went  on. 
The  rebels  taken  in  actual  warfare  were  the 
first  victims,  but  many  others  of  non-com- 
batant peasantry  in  the  neighborhood  were  ar- 
rested on  suspicion  and  met  the  same  fate 
without  the  formality  of  a  trial.  The  horrors 
here  enacted  after  the  baftle  were  never  for- 
gotten by  the  helpless  inhabitants.  To  the 
present  day  the  most  vivid  traditions  survive 
of  the  wholesale  butcheries  which  were  wit- 
nessed in  the  public  streets. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

BATTLE    OF    BALLINAMUCK. 

When  Humbert  reached  the  eastern  borders 
of  Leitrim  where  it  joins  the  County  Longford 
he  decided  to  pitch  his  camp  at  the  small  vil- 
lage of  Ballinamuck.  The  reinforcements 
which  he  sought  had  not  come  up,  and  further 
progress  was  hazardous. 

On  the  morning  of  September  8th,  finding 
himself  completely  surrounded  by  the  govern- 
ment armies  that  had  got  on  his  track,  he  pre- 
pared to  make  a  last  desperate  stand.  His 
whole  force  was  only  one-tenth  of  that  which 
he  had  to  face.  The  conflict  was  continued  for 
half  an  hour  with  deadly  effect  on  both  sides. 
It  soon  proved  useless  to  prolong  the  battle. 

About  200  of  the  French  having  thrown 
down  their  arms,  the  remainder  surrendered  as 
prisoners  of  war.  The  rebels  received  no  quar- 
ter at  the  hands  of  the  victors.  From  a  field  of 
battle  Ballinamuck  was  turned  into  a  huge 
slaughter  house.  While  the  scaffold  was  the 
usual  method  of  execution  the  bayonet  was 
frequently  employed  as  well  as  other  still  more 
revolting  atrocities.  Of  the  leaders  Blake,  of 
Galway,  was  among  those  executed  on  the 
field.  A  body  of  Longford  and  Kilkenny 
militia,  who  had  joined  the  rebels,  were  quickly 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  C3 

dispatched.  Mr.  Moore  ended  his  brief  term 
as  president  of  the  Provisional  Government  by 
a  sentence  of  banishment.  He  died  on  the  ship 
that  carried  him  to  exile. 

The  gallant  sons  of  France  in  company  with 
Humbert  were  permitted  to  travel  unarmed  to 
their  own  country.  Forlorn  and  humiliated  on 
their  homeward  journey  they  felt  keenly  their 
position  and  that  of  their  vanquished  Irish 
confederates.  They  were  glad,  however,  to 
gtt  off  in  safety  to  the  shores  of  a  free  country, 
and  found  some  consolation  in  the  prospect  of 
future  glory  in  the  military  enterprises  in 
which  their  nation  was  then  engaged. 

Ireland's  western  province  now  completely 
overrun  by  the  English  battalions,  was  given 
up  generally  to  pillage  and  massacre.  All  the 
towns  that  showed  any  signs  of  disloyalty  met 
the  vengeance  of  the  conquerers  without  pity. 
When  Killala  was  retaken  by  them  the  carnage 
was  not  confined  to  rebels  in  arms.  At  least 
200  of  the  peaceful  inhabitants  were  put  to  the 
sword  along  with  insurgents  who  offered  re- 
sistance. 

We  are  accustomed  to  hear  of  the  bloody 
and  heartless  measures  perpetrated  in  France 
by  revolutionists  in  the  wars  of  La  Vendee  and 
Brittany.  But  the  atrocities  committed  by  the 
royalist  army  in  Ireland  during  the  course  of 
the  rebellion  surpassed  everything  before 
heard  of  in  the  armed  conflicts  of  civilized  na- 
tions. 

The  candid  historian  must  admit  that  ex- 


64  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

cesses  were  committed  on  both  sides.  While 
the  conflict  raged  the  fierce  passion  of  revenge 
led  the  rebels  to  acts  of  cruelty  which  in  our 
sober  judgment  we  cannot  defend  and  must 
sincerely  regret.  Under  the  circumstances, 
however,  it  could  hardly  be  otherwise.  A  few- 
cases  of  the  kind  are  recorded  in  the  great 
Wexford  struggle.  But  it  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that  the  government  troops  were  the  first 
aggressors,  that  they  continued  their  atrocities 
for  years  while  the  people  were  noncombat- 
ants,  and  their  acts  of  brutah'ty  were  not  the  re- 
sult of  momentary  passion,  but  cool  delibera- 
tion. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

OTHER  EXPEDITIONS  FROM  FRANCE. 

Two  additional  squadrons  bearing  French 
allies  to  aid  the  insurgents  followed  soon  after 
the  disaster  at  Ballinamuck. 

On  the  17th  of  September  a  single  brig  com- 
manded by  General  Reay  and  Napper  Tandy 
reached  Rathlin  Island,  on  the  coast  of  An- 
trim. 

Having  learned  the  fate  of  Humbert  these 
adventurers  saw  the  futility  of  landing  their 
forces,  and  without  delay  returned  to  the 
French  port,  from  which  they  started  to  await 
a  more  favorable  chance  of  success. 

On  the  20th  a  new  fleet  on  the  same  mes- 
sage of  friendly  aid  to  Ireland  set  out  from 
Brest. 

It  was  commanded  by  Bompart,  and  consist- 
ed of  one  ship  of  74  guns,  eight  frigates,  and 
two  smaller  vessels.  Three  thousand  men  em- 
barked on  board  under  General  Hardi.  The 
indefatigable  Theobald  Wolfe  Tone  was 
among  the  new  invaders  holding  the  rank  of 
adjutant  general. 

On  the  1 2th  of  October,  after  being  delayed 
by  storms  in  the  North  Atlantic  Ocean,  the 
fleet  appeared  off  the  coast  of  Donegal,  direct- 
ing its  course   towards    Lough  Swilly.     The 

E 


66  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

enemy,  however,  was  close  by.  An  English 
fleet  with  an  equal  number  of  ships  had  been 
cruising  on  the  track  of  the  French,  and  now 
came  up  ready  for  conflict.  On  both  sides  a 
heavy  fire  was  continued  for  six  hours.  The 
French  fought  at  a  disadvantage  in  commenc- 
ing without  securing  their  full  forces  in  line. 
They  lost  their  flagship  with  two  frigates  and 
surrendered.  Two  more  were  captured  the 
following  day,  and  the  remainder  escaped  back 
to  France. 


CHAPTER  X. 

FATE    OF    THE    LEADERS. 

At  the  end  of  the  interview  in  which  the  fore- 
going events  were  recounted  by  our  aged  his- 
torian the  young  Hsteners  discussed  the  subject 
together  on  their  way  home  with  grave  and 
thoughtful  expression  in  their  countenances, 
and  in  the  very  tones  of  their  voice.  They 
suspected  that  the  end  of  the  story  was  near, 
and  they  agreed  that  an  appropriate  question 
to  ask  next  time  would  be,  "What  was  the  fate 
of  the  principal  leaders  of  the  insurrection." 

At  their  next  meeting  the  old  man  willingly 
consented  to  satisfy  their  wish  and  review  the 
names  of  the  most  prominent  among  the 
patriots  with  an  account  of  their  manner  of 
death  or  their  career  after  the  unsuccessful 
struggle  for  freedom.  He  therefore  resumed 
his  story  as  follows: 

''Among  the  earliest  to  fall  in  battle  or  by  the 
hand  of  executioners  were  the  gallant  Wex- 
fordmen.  We  will  place  at  the  head  of  the  list 
of  popular  heroes  Edmund  Kyan.  A  few  days 
after  the  battle  of  Vinegar  Hill  he  was  arrested 
while  secretly  paying  a  visit  to  his  family  and 
instantly  put  to  death.  His  body  was  weighted 
with  heavy  stones  and  thrown  into  Wexford 
harbor.  By  favor  of  the  incoming  tide  a  few 
days  after  it  was  deposited  on  the  shore  close 


68  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

to  the  dwelling  of  his  father-in-law,  and  with 
friendly  care  received  a  Christian  burial. 

Father  Michael  Murphy  fell  in  the  battle  of 
Arklow  on  the  9th  of  June. 

Father  Clinch  met  his  death  at  Vinegar  Hill, 
June  20th. 

Father  Philip  Roche,  with  Bagenal  Harvey, 
and  Kelly  of  Kilane,  after  surrendering  when 
defeated  at  Vinegar  Hill,  were  decapitated  con- 
trary to  the  terms  agreed  to  by  their  victors. 
Their  heads  were  publicly  exposed  on  iron 
spikes  above  the  entrance  of  Wexford  Court 
House  for  several  weeks. 

Father  Kearns  and  Anthony  Perry  were  ex- 
ecuted by  martial  law  at  Edenderry  after  tak- 
ing part  in  the  engagement  at  Kildare  in  July. 
Father  John  Murphy  fell  in  battle  in  the 
County  Carlow  towards  the  end  of  the  same 
month. 

Walter  Devereux,  the  colleague  of  Father 
Murphy,  was  arrested  in  Cork  when  about  to 
sail  for  America.  He  was  tried  and  executed. 
Henry  John  McCracken  of  Belfast  was  exe- 
cuted after  the  battle  of  Antrim  on  the  7th  of 
June. 

Henry  Munro,  another  sturdy  northern 
leader,  was  publicly  put  to  death  in  his  own 
town  of  Lisburn  after  the  battle  of  Ballina- 
hinch,  June  15th. 

Among  those  who  escaped  to  France,  where 
they  afterwards  became  eminent  in  various 
professions  were  Arthur  O'Connor,  Corbet, 
Allen  and  Ware. 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  69 

Lord  Edward  Fitzgerald,  who  held  the  post 
of  commander-in-chief  of  the  insurgent  army, 
deserves  a  more  extended  notice. 

He  was  a  son  of  the  first  Duke  of  Leinster 
and  was  born  near  Dublin,  October  15th,  1763. 
He  spent  a  part  of  his  youth  in  France,  where 
he  pursued  a  course  of  studies.  After  return- 
ing to  England,  and  having  attained  sufftcient 
age,  he  entered  the  British  army.  In  the 
course  of  the  American  revolutionary  war  his 
regiment  was  dispatched  to  take  part  in  that 
memorable  conflict.  As  aide-de-camp  to  Lord 
Rawden  he  distinguished  himself  in  several 
engagements.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  battle 
of  Eutaw  Springs  he  was  severely  wounded. 
When  the  English  forces  were  defeated  and 
compelled  to  return  home  he  found  an  oppor- 
tunity to  enter  political  life,  and  became  a 
member  of  the  Irish  House  of  Commons.  Sub- 
sequently he  travelled  for  some  time  on  the 
continent,  and  on  his  return  rejoined  his  regi- 
ment, which  was  then  stationed  in  Canada. 

In  1790  he  returned  to  Ireland.  Here  he 
was  elected  a  second  time  a  member  of  the 
Irish  parliament.  In  1792  he  visited  Paris, 
where  he  became  associated  with  the  leading 
revolutionists.  While  in  that  city  he  attended 
a  banquet  given  by  Englishmen,  where  he  pub- 
licly renounced  his  hereditary  title,  and  pro- 
posed a  toast  to  the  success  of  the  republican 
arms.  Soon  after  he  was  dismissed  from  the 
British  army.  He  returned  to  Ireland,  where 
he  joined  the  United  Irishmen,  of  which  he 
was  made  president  in  1796. 


70  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08 

Gifted  by  nature  with  the  quahties  which 
mark  the  distinguished  soldier  and  popular 
hero,  he  readily  gained  the  affection  and  confi- 
dence of  the  patriots.  His  valor  had  been  tried 
in  the  American  campaigns,  while  his  sym- 
pathy with  the  people's  aspirations  was  always 
candidly  expressed.  The  example  of  the 
American  heroes  valiantly  fighting  for  their 
independence  must  have  attracted  his  attention 
and  won  his  admiration.  During  the  few  years 
spent  in  France  he  adopted  the  republican 
ideas  prevalent  in  that  country.  At  the  famous 
Paris  banquet  where  he  renounced  his  family 
titles  he  manifested  a  natural  nobility  of  soul 
in  his  entire  disinterestedness,  professing  no 
ambition  but  that  of  serving  the  public. 

He  superintended  the  efforts  of  the  Irish 
agents  to  secure  assitance  from  the  French  na- 
tion. His  connection  with  the  insurectionary 
movements  was  well  known  to  the  British 
authorities  at  an  early  date,  but  there  was  no 
haste  made  by  local  of^cials  to  issue  the  war- 
rant for  his  arrest  until  everything  was  fixed 
for  the  outbreak.  He  succeeded  in  eluding  the 
ofBcers  for  two  months  after  the  other  leaders 
were  taken. 

At  length,  on  the  19th  of  May,  he  was  cap- 
tured after  a  desperate  struggle,  in  which  he 
received  serious  w^'ounds.  He  died  in  prison  on 
the  4th  of  June  following*. 

"You  said,"  broke  in  Tom,  "that  he  took  a 
part  in  the  American  war."  "Is  it  possible  that 
there  were  Irish  soldiers  fighting  for  England 
against  the  Americans?" 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  11 

"Oi  their  own  free  will  and  inclination  I  an- 
swer No!"  replied  the  old  man.  **But,  strange 
as  it  may  appear,  a  body  of  4,000  Irish  troops 
formed  part  of  the  British  force  sent  to  put 
down  the  American  colonists."  "It  happened 
as  in  many  other  foolish  wars  undertaken  by 
England.  The  hapless  Irishmen  who  had  been 
entrapped  into  the  ranks  of  the  regular  army 
were  led  to  many  a  battle  of  which  they  did 
not  approve. 

The  sentiments  of  the  Irish  people  regarding 
this  particular  war  were  clearly  made  known 
to  the  world  in  the  Irish  Parliament  when  the 
King's  demand  for  troops  was  under  discus- 
sion. 

On  November  25th,  1774,  this  question  was 
brought  up.  The  few  members  in  that  body 
who  honestly  represented  their  country,  were 
decidedly  opposed  to  the  project  and  expressed 
their  views  in  the  strongest  language. 

Ponsonby  on  this  occasion  declared:  *'If  we 
give  our  consent  we  shall  take  part  against 
America  contrary  to  justice,  to  prudence,  and 
to  humanity." 

Fitzgibbons,  during  the  same  debate,  said: 
*'The  war  is  unjust,  and  Ireland  has  no  reason 
to  be  a  party  therein." 

Sir  Edward  Newenham  could  not  agree  to 
send  more  troops  to  butcher  men  who  were 
fighting  for  their  liberty." 

George  Ogle  used  the  words:  "If  men  must 
be  sent  to  America,  send  there  foreign  mer- 
cenaries, not  the  brave  sons  of  Ireland." 


72  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

Hussey  Bird  condemned  the  American  war 
as  "a  violation  of  the  law  of  nations,  the  law 
of  the  land,  the  law  of  humanity,  the  law  of 
nature ;  he  would  not  vote  a  single  sword  with- 
out an  address  recommending  conciliatory 
measures;  the  ministry,  if  victorious,  would 
only  establish  a  right  to  the  harvest  when 
they  had  burned  the  grain." 

Yet  the  troops  were  voted  by  121  against  y^, 
although  the  resolution  to  replace  them  by 
foreign  Protestants  was  negatived  by  68 
against  106.  That  Parliament  was  no  longer 
a  genuine  Irish  one.  It  was  mainly  a  creature 
of  the  English  ministers. 

While  the  question  was  being  agitated  the 
merchants  of  Dublin  publicly  applauded  the 
Earl  of  Effingham  for  "refusing  to  draw  his 
sword  against  the  lives  and  liberties  of  his  fel- 
low subjects  in  America." 

In  the  same  month,  while  the  good  wishes  of 
the  Irish  people  were  thus  manifested  the  first 
American  Congress  sent  to  Ireland  a  pledge 
of  their  unalterable  sympathy  and  their  joy 
that  their  own  trials  had  extorted  some  mitiga- 
tion of  its  wrongs.' 

It  was  impossible  to  misunderstand  the 
warm  interest  taken  by  the  Irish  people  in  the 
important  question  agitated  among  the  prom- 
ising nations  across  the  Atlantic.  A  good  pro- 
portion of  the  colonists  were  of  Irish  blood, 
while  all  were  aware  of  the  repeated  efforts 
made  in  the  old  land  to  correct  the  same  kind 
of  abuses  which  they  were  now  resisting. 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  IS 

Franklin,  who  had  been  the  soul  of  the 
movement  for  colonial  independence,  sub- 
mitted to  Congress  July  ist,  1775,  an  outline 
for  confederating  the  colonies  in  one  nation. 
In  his  scheme  every  colony  of  Great  Britain  in 
North  America,  and  even  Ireland,  which  was 
still  classed  with  the  colonies,  was  invited  to 
accede  to  the  union. 

The  next  among  our  patriots  deserving 
special  notice  here  is  Theobald  Wolfe  Tone. 

He  was  born  in  Dublin  June  20th,  1763.  His 
education  was  completed  at  Trinity  College,  in 
his  native  city.  After  graduating  from  that 
eminent  seat  of  learning  he  was  called  to  the 
bar  in  London  in  the  year  1787. 

He  soon  became  prominent  as  an  advocate 
of  liberal  political  measures.  With  a  view  to 
promoting  reforms  urgently  needed  in  his 
native  country  he  endeavored  to  unite  the 
Catholics  of  Ireland  with  the  Dissenters  of 
England  as  a  means  of  success  in  removing- 
their  grievances. 

His  ideas  were  presented  to  the  public  in  a 
letter  entitled,  "An  argument  on  behalf  of  the 
Catholics  of  Ireland."  It  was  published  in 
1 791.  In  this  year  also  he  took  part  in  found- 
ing the  society  of  "United  Irishmen"  in  Bel- 
fast. In  1792  he  was  reported  to  the  govern- 
ment as  holding  treasonable  negotiations  with 
the  French. 

Fearing  arrest  he  fled  to  the  United  States 
in  1795,  and  sailed  from  that  country  for 
France  in  January,  '96.     By  his  exertions  a 


74  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IX  '98 

French  fleet  was  equipped  to  aid  in  the  Irish 
insurrection.  This  he  accompanied,  holding 
the  rank  of  adjutant-general  to  Hoche,  who 
was  its  commander.  The  invasion  undertaken 
in  December  of  the  same  year  ended  in  failure 
on  account  of  severe  storms  encountered  at  the 
entrance  to  Bantry  Bay.  Returning  to  France, 
he  continued  in  military  service  for  the  two 
years  following.  In  September,  '98,  a  second 
squadron  was  organized  through  him  for  the 
assistance  of  his  countrymen.  Holding  his 
former  position  in  this  armament  he  was  inter- 
cepted on  the  coast  of  Donegal  by  an  English 
fleet.  In  the  encounter  that  followed  he  was 
defeated.  Here  he  was  taken  prisoner  and 
brought  to  Dublin,  where,  after  a  trial  by 
courtmartial,  he  was  sentenced  to  be  hanged 
on  November  12.  While  in  prison  he  was 
overwhelmed  by  excessive  despondency  and 
caused  his  own  death  the  day  preceding  that 
set  for  his  execution. 

His  life,  written  by  himself,  including  his 
political  writings,  was  published  subsequently 
by  his  son,  William  Theobald.  The  latter  be- 
came a  distinguished  soldier  in  the  French 
army.  After  the  fall  of  Napoleon  he  went  to 
the  United  States  and  continued  the  military 
profession  under  the  flag  of  his  adopted  coun- 
try. 

One  of  the  most  distinguished  of  the  leaders 
w^as  Thomas  Addis  Emmet.  He  was  born  in 
Cork  April  24th,  1764.  Having  graduated  at 
Trinity  College,  Dublin,  he  pursued  a  course 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '9S  75  ■ 

of  medicine  at  the  University  of  Edinburgh. 
Having  visited  the  celebrated  schools  of  the 
continent  and  selected  the  legal  profession,  a 
two  years  course  was  added  at  the  Temple  in 
London.  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1791. 
His  earnest  devotion  to  all  liberal  projects  in 
behalf  of  his  native  country  brought  him  into 
universal  popularity.  In  '96  he  became  asso- 
ciated with  the  organizers  of  the  rebellion. 
Along  with  Arthur  O'Connor,  Dr.  McNeyin, 
a  Dublin  physician  ,and  Lord  Edward  Fitz- 
gerald, he  acted  as  executive  director  of  the 
"United  Irishmen." 

On  the  information  conveyed  to  govern- 
ment by  a  traitor  named  Thomas  Reynolds, 
he  was  arrested  on  the  12th  of  March,  '98,  at 
his  own  house  in  Dublin.  In  July  following, 
while  in  prison  with  other  leaders  on  the  same 
charge,  it  was  agreed,  at  the  suggestion  of 
Samuel  Neilson,  to  reveal  the  general  secrets 
of  their  system,  without  inculpating  individ- 
uals, on  condition  of  gaining  their  liberty. 
Permisson  to  exile  themselves  to  any  country 
not  at  war  with  England  was  hereby  granted. 

The  patriotic  prisoners  when  giving  the  de- 
sired evidence  before  the  committee  of  parlia- 
ment, took  occasion  to  justify  the  revolt  of  the 
country  by  their  earnest  denunciation  of  the 
glaring  abuses  sanctioned  by  the  ministers. 
Instead  of  immediate  liberation  their  term  of 
imprisonment  was  prolonged  for  three  more 
years.  This  latter  period  was  spent  by  Emmet 
at  Fort  George  in  the  Highlands  of  Scotland. 


76  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

Under  the  kind  hearted  Colonel  Stuart,  who 
was  then  governor  of  the  prison,  our  noble 
convict  was  allowed  some  unusual  privileges. 
The  gallant  Scotch  general  relaxed  the  severity 
of  ordinary  prison  life  and  treated  him  with 
the  consideration  due  to  his  rank  and  accomp- 
lishments. 

In  1802,  after  the  treaty  of  Amiens,  he  was 
liberated  on  condition  that  he  should  settle  in 
a  foreign  country  and  never  attempt  to  return 
to  his  own.  In  company  with  his  wife,  who 
was  granted  the  same  permission  on  the  same 
terms,  he  withdrew  to  France. 

In  the  city  of  Brussels,  where  he  had  occa- 
sion to  pass  on  his  journey,  he  met  his  brother, 
Robert,  who  was  also  an  exile,  and  engaged  in 
the  patriotic  projects  for  which  he  afterwards 
became  famous. 

In  1804  Thomas  Addis  proceeded  to  the 
United  States,  of  which  he  became  a  devoted 
citizen.  He  entered  here  on  the  profession  of 
law,  and  soon  attained  eminence  duly  ac- 
knowledged by  all  classes. 

His  ability  and  integrity  were  attested  by  his 
appointment  to  the  office  of  Attorney  General 
of  the  State  of  New  York  in  1812. 

His  death  occurred  on  November  14th, 
1827,  at  his  home  in  New  York  City.  In  the 
cemetery  of  St.  Paul's  on  Broadway,  lie  his 
ashes:  and  the  handsome  monument  con- 
spicuous to  the  multitudes  passing  daily  on 
that  thoroughfare  tells  of  the  universal  esteem 
he  enjoyed  among  his  fellow  citizens.     His 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  77 

descendants  are  numerous  and  inherit  his  abili- 
ties, while  holding  the  highest  rank  in  ihe 
social  life  of  the  great  city  where  talent  and 
worth  never  fail  to  be  recognized. 

While  the  virtues  of  the  parent  are  continued 
in  the  children,  that  of  patriotism  is  not  want- 
ing. Worthy  sons  of  the  honored  exile  are 
ready  to  promote  by  voice,  and  pen,  and 
treasure  the  prosperity  of  the  old  land. 

The  best  interests  of  a  country  for  which 
so  much  blood  was  shed  will  not  want  for 
friends  while  the  kindred  of  martyred  patriots 
find  a  favorable  moment  for  tendering  their 
services. 

The  name  of  Robert  Emmet,  brother  of  the 
foregoing,  should  not  be  passed  over  while  re- 
viewing the  prominent  leaders  of  this  period 
in  Ireland.  Although  the  agitation  of  which 
he  was  promoter,  took  place  four  years  later 
than  that  of  '98,  yet  he  took  an  active  part  in 
both  risings. 

He  was  born  in  Dublin  in  the  year  1780. 
Trinity  College  was  the  scene  of  his  devotion 
to  study,  of  his  remarkable  talents,  and  literary 
honors  won  among  a  group  of  fellow  students 
all  notably  brilliant. 

His  ardent  patriotism  was  manifested  with- 
out reserve,  and  as  an  advocate  of  republican 
principles  he  came  under  censure  of  the  col- 
lege authorities.  In  the  course  of  the  political 
troubles  of  '98  he  was  dismissed  from  the  in- 
stitution with  nineteen  others  suspected  of 
similar  liberal  views. 


78  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08 

When  other  leaders  of  the  insurrection  were 
arrested  he  was  obUged  to  fly  from  the  coun- 
try, as  he  was  equally  implicated  in  their  treas- 
onable projects. 

He  escaped  to  France,  where  he  remained 
until  the  armed  revolt  was  quieted  at  home. 
But  he  was  not  there  to  be  idle.  Several  other 
refugees  joined  him  with  untiring  persistency 
in  appeals  to  Napoleon  for  a  sufficient  invad- 
ing force  to  aid  their  countrymen.  This  proud 
general,  who  was  then  First  Consul  of  France 
and  in  absolute  control  of  the  military,  entered 
seriously  into  negotiation  with  the  exiles  and 
kept  them  in  hope.  He  intimated  that  a  new 
war  was  soon  to  be  declared  against  England. 
This  would  be  their  opportunity.  They  were 
encouraged  to  form  a  legion  composed  of  all 
the  exiles  then  in  the  country  under  command 
of  Tone's  trusty  aide-de-camp,  McSheehey, 
while  Thomas  Addis  Emmet  and  Arthur 
O'Connor  were  to  remain  at  Paris  as  pleni- 
potentiaries of  their  nation.  He  even  went  so 
far  as  to  suggest  the  colors  and  the  motto  un- 
der which  they  were  to  fight  when  once  landed 
on  their  native  soil.  The  flag,  on  a  tricolor 
ground,  was  to  have  a  green  centre  bearing 
the  letters:  R.  I. — Republique  Irlandaise. 
Their  legend  was  to  be  "L'independence  de 
I'Irlande" — "Liberte  de  Conscience." 

It  was  his  suggestion  also  to  form  an  Irish 
committee  at  Paris,  and  to  prepare  statements 
of  Irish  grievances  for  the  ^'Moniteur,"  and  the 
scmi-ofiicial  papers. 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  79 

Assured  of  Napoleon's  good  will  for  the 
Irish  cause,  and  cheered  by  his  repeated  prom- 
ises of  aid,  Robert  Emmet  secretly  returned 
to  Dublin  in  October,  1802,  determined  to  re- 
establish in  some  degree  the  old  organization 
of  the  United  Irishmen. 

In  May,  1803,  hardly  a  year  after  the  procla- 
mation of  the  peace  of  Amiens,  (the  new  war 
was  declared  between  England  and  France. 

Emmet  now  went  about  his  work  with  ener- 
gy and  enthusiasm.  Many  kindred  spirits 
shared  in  his  views  and  seconded  his  efforts. 
Trusty  emissaries  were  despatched  to  the  dif- 
ferent counties  to  wake  up  new  ambition 
among  the  disheartened  peasantry.  His  chief 
confidants  were  Thomas  Russell  and  Mathew 
Dowdall,  formerly  prisoners  at  Fort  George, 
but  now  permitted  to  return.  James  Hope  of 
Templepatrick,  was  a  ready  co-worker,  and 
Michael  Dwyer,  the  former  leader  of  Wicklow 
rebels,  still  surviving,  uncaptured  since  '98, 
gave  valuable  assistance.  Mr.  Long,  a  Dub- 
lin merchant,  furnished  the  sum  of  £1,400  to 
be  used  in  purchasing  war  supplies.  To  this 
amount  of  treasure.  Robert  himself  added 
ii,500  of  his  own  private  income.  Depots  of 
powder  and  arms  were  established  in  various 
parts  of  the  city  of  Dublin  and  in  the  prov- 
inces northi  and  west. 

Favorable  reports  were  received  from  many 
parts  of  the  country.  At  least  nineteen  coun- 
ties were  prepared  to  rise  as  soon  as  the  signal 
was  given  from  Dublin.     Robert's  immediate 


80  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

scheme  was  to  seize  the  Castle  and  arsenals 
and  take  possession  of  the  city. 

On  the  23d  of  July  he  had  mustered  together 
a  considerable  body  of  insurgents  hastily 
drilled  and  supplied  with  arms. 

Under  his  leadership  they  marched  through 
several  streets  with  much  display  and  evident 
warlike  intentions.  Chief  Justice  Kilwarden, 
whom  they  met  driving  in  his  carriage,  was  at- 
tacked and  cruelly  murdered.  This  was  the 
only  bloodshed  permitted  on  that  day.  Tlie 
regular  troops  from  the  various  garrisons  were 
promptly  on  the  scene  and  dispersed  the  armed 
multitude. 

Robert  succeeded  in  escaping  to  the  County 
Wicklow,  where  he  remained  concealed  for 
some  time,  taking  measures  to  notify  other  in- 
tending insurgents  of  his  own  failure  and  ad- 
vising a  postponement  of  their  revolt  for  a 
more  favorable  season. 

Of  his  associates  in  this  enterprise  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  the  government  officers  Thomas 
Russell  was  executed  at  Downpatrick,  while 
Kearney,  Roche,  Redmond  and  Howley  were 
hanged  in  Dublin. 

Many  were  imprisoned  for  different  periods, 
and  a  few  escaped  to  France. 

Although  facilities  for  leaving  the  country 
in  safety  were  offered  by  friends,  Robert  could 
not  be  persuaded  to  depart  without  paying  a 
visit  to  his  lover.  Miss  Curran.  Aware  of  the 
great  risk  in  the  journey  he  called  back  to  the 
city  for  the  desired  farewell  interview,  was 
.  tracked  and  arrested. 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  81 

After  a  public  trial  he  was  convicted  of  high 
treason  and  hanged  on  the  20th  of  September, 
1803. 

Of  Robert  Emmet's  popularity  among  his 
countrymen  and  the  admiration  in  which  he 
was  regarded  for  natural  nobility  of  character 
we  need  only  quote  as  proof  the  words  of 
Thomas  Moore,  one  of  his  college  companions. 

This  friend  said  of  him  that  of  all  his  ac- 
quaintances no  other  possessed  "in  the  greatest 
degree  moral  worth  combined  with  intellectual 
power." 

The  famous  speech  which  he  delivered  at  his 
trial  is  admitted  to  be  a  model  of  pathetic  elo- 
quence never  surpassed  in  any  language. 

At  the  many  trials  of  political  prisoners 
charged  with  treason  for  taking  part  in  the  in- 
surrection there  was  one  man  who  bore  a  con- 
spicuous part  and  should  be  mentioned  here. 
He  was  John  Philpot  Curran,  the  matchless 
orator  and  fearless  advocate  of  patriots. 

For  his  extraordinary  gifts  of  oratory  he  de- 
serves a  place  among  the  most  eminent  public 
men  worthy  of  record  in  his  country's  history. 

For  his  disinterested  services  in  the  defence 
of  men  for  whom  no  clemency  could  be  ex- 
pected before  the  courts  such  as  then  existed 
in  Ireland,  his  name  is  venerated  by  his  coun- 
trymen as  one  of  their  greatest  heroes. 

He  himself  was  not  a  rebel.  He  deplored 
the  rashness  of  the  young  patriots  and  would 
have  dissuaded  them  from  an  enterprise  that 
he  knew  to  be  premature  and  hopeless.     But 

F 


82  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

he  knew  their  motives.  He  knew  the  humiliat- 
ing and  degraded  condition  of  the.  people  with 
the  intolerable  abuses  under  which  they 
groaned  and  were  driven  to  madness  or  de- 
spair. If  he  could  not  approve  of  their  meth- 
ods employed  to  right  their  wrongs,  he  was 
still  aware  that  they  had  wrongs  and  abundant 
cause  for  attempting  strong  measures  to  save 
their  country  from  a  corrupt  system  of  govern- 
ment. 

In  pleading  their  cause  before  a  court  that 
had  all  outward  forms  of  an  enlightened  trib- 
unal he  hoped  for  no  mitigation  of  the  sentence 
expected  from  a  jury  whose  mind  was  already 
made  up. 

Never  was  an  advocate  more  intensely  an- 
xious to  save  his  clients.  His  soul  seemed  to 
reflect  in  itself  the  sorrows  of  his  prostrate 
people,  and  even  with  certainty  of  failure  he 
may  have  sought  consolation  in  giving  vent  to 
his  anguish  while  vehemently  denouncing  a 
nation's  wrongs  before  the  impartial  world  for 
an  audience. 

The  town  of  Newmarket,  in  the  County 
Cork,  was  his  birthplace. 

From  the  date  of  his  birth,  July  24th,  1750, 
till  the  day  of  his  death,  October  14,1817,  there 
intervened  an  epoch  of  more  melancholy  as- 
pect than  any  other  of  equal  length  in  the  poli- 
tical history  of  Ireland. 

The  whole  machinery  of  government  pre- 
sented a  horrid  spectre  of  bribery  and  deceit. 
The  ministry,  the  bench,  the  magistracy,  rep- 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  83 

resented  the  most  shameless  rapacity  and  big- 
otry. The  feeUngs  of  humanity  were  blunted, 
conscience  was  blind,  pity  was  deaf,  but  ven- 
geance was  all  alive  and  all  awake.  Law  was 
a  dead  letter,  trial  by  jury  was  "a  delusion,  a 
mockery,  and  a  snare." 

Anyone  who  reads  the  records  of  those  times 
will  learn  how  universal  was  then  in  Ireland 
the  reign  of  terror. 

The  Marquis  of  Cornwallis,  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant of  Ireland,  at  the  close  of  the  insurrec- 
tion, says  that  the  executions  of  ordinary 
courts  or  courts  martial,  were  nothing  com- 
pared with  the  butcheries  and  burnings  com- 
mitted by  armed  and  licensed  murderers,  who 
were  as  much  detested  by  the  humane  among 
the  rulers  as  they  were  monstrous  and  merci- 
less to  the  people.  In  such  a  condition  of 
things  Curran  had  to  stand  almost  alone.  He 
had  to  speak  for  the  speechless,  when  words 
for  the  accused  were  almost  accounted  crimes, 
and  he  had  to  take  the  side  of  the  doomed 
when  the  rancour  of  party  spirit  often  con- 
founded the  advocate  with  the  client. 

Curran,  in  1794,  while  defending  Dr.  Dren- 
nan,  who  was  prosecuted  for  a  seditious  libel, 
says  in  the  course  of  his  speech:  *T  have  been 
parading  through  the  capital,  and  I  feel  that 
the  night  of  unenlightened  wretchedness  is  fast 
approaching,  when  a  man  shall  be  judged  be- 
fore he  is  tried,  when  (the  advocate  shall  be  lib- 
elled for  discharging  his  duty  to  his  client — 
that  night  of  human  nature,  when  a  man  shall 


84  IRELAND  S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

be  hunted  down,  not  because  he  is  a  criminal, 
but  because  he  is  obnoxious." 

In  most  of  the  state  trials  the  law  and  the 
evidence  were  fearfully  against  Curran;  and 
if  they  were  not,  packed  and  prejudiced  juries 
were  sure  to  be.  This  last  circumstance  seems 
to  have  caused  him  the  severest  labor  and  the 
sorest  distress.  The  struggles  of  his  genius 
when  dealing  with  such  juries  suggest  to  us  the 
struggle  of  a  noble  gladiator  with  beasts  in 
the  Roman  circus.  The  gladiator  knows  that 
the  beasts  will  kill  him,  but  none  the  less  he 
maintains  his  manhood  to  the  last. 

Curran,  in  the  trials  of  1798  encountered  all 
sorts  of  dangers.  He  was  hooted  by  the  armed 
yeomanry,  persecuted  with  anonymous  letters, 
hated  most  heartily  by  officials  and  their  slaves, 
by  men  made  savage  and  cruel  by  their  pas- 
sions and  their  fears. 

In  the  course  of  his  profesional  career  he 
fought  four  duels.  His  first  was  with  the  Hon. 
Mr.  St.  Leger,  brother  to  Lord  Doneraile ;  the 
second  with  John  Fitzgibbon,  the  Attorney- 
General  for  Ireland;  the  third,  with  Major 
Hobart,  the  Irish  Secretary  of  State;  the 
fourth,  with  a  lawyer  named  Egan.  The  age 
he  lived  in  was  that  of  the  pistol.  Being  also 
an  age  of  political  corruption  he  could  not  es- 
cape heated  conflicts  in  the  exercise  of  his  pro- 
fession. Being  entirely  fearless  he  persisted  in 
the  face  of  the  most  bitter  hostility. 

The  power  of  his  eloquence  lay  in  his  fervid 
appeals  to  the  eternal  laws  of  truth,  of  justice 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  h\  '98  85 

and  of  right  implanted  in  human  nature  as 
long  as  that  nature  is  not  entirely  depraved. 
His  imagination,  vivid  and  versatile,  and  his 
passion  kindled  by  earnest  conviction,  aided 
his  arguments  to  strike  with  telling  force. 

He  used  with  adroitness  the  shafts  of  sar- 
casm and  irony,  and  turned  his  antagonist  into 
ridicule  as  the  occasion  demanded.  He  was 
fierce  in  his  threats  and  denunciations  and 
scornful  reproaches  against  base  motives,  and 
again  he  could  appeal  to  the  tender  emotions 
with  a  pathos  that  seldom  failed  to  evoke 
tears  even  in  an  audience  hostile  to  him. 

When  failing  health  made  the  duties  of  pub- 
lic office  irksome  he  resigned  the  dignity  of 
chancery  judge,  which  he  held  from  1806,  and 
sought  repose  in  his  quiet  home  at  Brompton, 
near  London.  Here  he  died,  having  reached 
the  age  of  sixty-seven  years.  No  man  ever 
carried  to  the  grave  a  public  reputation  more 
free  from  blemish.  His  remains,  after  occupy- 
ing aj  grave  in  London  for  20  years,  were 
transferred  to  Glasnevin  Cemetery,  near  Dub- 
lin, where  they  now  finally  repose. 

His  countrymen  in  thus  providing  him  with 
a  tomb  in  their  midst,  gratify  their  deep  affec- 
tion for  the  man  and  fulfil  the  words  he  had 
uttered  long  before:  "The  last  duties  will  be 
paid  by  that  country  on  which  they  are  de- 
volved; nor  will  it  be  for  charity  that  a  little 
earth  will  be  given  to  my  bones.  Tenderly 
will  those  duties  be  paid,  as  the  debt  of  well- 
earned  affection,  and  of  gratitude  not  ashamed 
of  her  tears." 


CHAPTER  XL 

PROMINENT    STATESMEN    OF    THE    TIME. 

A  brief  sketch  of  the  men  whO'  held  the 
highest  government  positions  in  Ireland  dur- 
ing the  period  under  consideration  will  have 
some  interest. 

Before  noticing  the  ministers  of  the  King  in 
their  disgraceful  administration  of  Irish  affairs 
we  will  first  take  a  glance  at  the  King  himself. 

George  III.,  who  reigned  from  1760  to  1 810, 
a  period  of  fifty  years,  presents  a  fair  sample 
cf  the  arrogant  ruler  and  politician  of  his  time. 
There  is  nothing  found  of  a  successful  feature 
in  his  whole  reign  except  its  great  length. 
Political  failures  and  humiliations  were  num- 
erous, and  tO'  his  obstinacy  and  extravagant 
royal  pretentions  the  cause  is  attributed. 

For  a  portion  of  his  unlucky  reign  he  had 
to  be  restrained  as  a  lunatic  and  he  ended  his 
life  in  the  same  condition.  His  best  friends 
would  admit  that  his  head  was  never  well  bal- 
anced. No  wonder  if  his  highest  officials  were 
guilty  of  blunders.  There  seemed  to  be  in  his 
day  an  epidemic  of  mismanagement  as  well  as 
corruption  among  those  in  high  places.  In 
recording  the  character  of  the  King  we  trace 
the  follies  of  the  officials  who  carried  out  his 
hated  policy  both  at  home  and  in  the  British 
colonies. 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  87 

If  the  Irish  people  were  asked  to  explain 
their  grievances  during  the  reign  of  George 
III.  they  might  only  repeat  the  complaint  of 
the  American  colonists  made  to  the  world  on 
July  4th,  1776.  The  language  used  by  Jeffer- 
son in  the  immortal  document,  "The  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,"  ratified  by  the  Con- 
gress of  the  United  States,  could  be  applied  as 
if  a  congress  of  Irishmen  were  speaking. 

Let  us  select  a  few  of  the  many  charges 
therein  made  against  that  detested  monarch. 
In  his  first  draft  of  that  declaration  Jefferson 
had  written  the  following  as  charges  against 
the  King. 

"He  has  waged  war  against  human  nature 
itself,  violating  its  most  sacred  rights  of  life 
and  hberty  in  the  persons  of  a  distant  people 
who  never  offended  him,  captivating  them  and 
carrying  them  into  slavery  in  another  hemis- 
phere, or  to  incur  miserable  death  in  their 
transportation  thither. 

"This  piratical  warfare,  the  opprobium  of 
infidel  powers,  is  the  warfare  of  the  Christian 
King  of  Great  Britain.'^  .  .  .  He  con- 
tinues more  of  the  charges  thus :  "The  history 
of  the  present  King  of  Great  Britain  is  a  his- 
tory of  repeated  injuries  and  usurpations,  all 
having  in  direct  object,  the  establishment  of 

absolute  tyranny  over  those  States 

He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pass  laws 
of  immediate  and  pressing  importance,  unless 
suspended  in  their  operation  till  his  assent 
should  be  obtained,  and  when  so  suspended, 
he  has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to  them." 


88  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08 

He  has  ref^i^ed  to  pass  other  laws  for  the 
accommodatujii  of  large  districts  of  people, 
unless  those  people  would  relinquish  the  right 
of  representation  in  legislature — a  right  in- 
estimable CO  them,  and  formidable  to  tyrants 
only 

''He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  popula- 
tion of  these  States;  for  that  purpose  abstain- 
ing the  laws  of  naturalization  of  foreigners, 
refusing  to  pass  others  to  encourage  their  mi- 
gration hither,  and  raising  the  conditions  of 
new  appropriations  of  lands." 

"He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  offices, 
and  sent  hither  swarms  of  officers  to  harass 
our  people  and  eat  out  their  subsistence. 

*'He  has  kept  among  us  in  time  of  peace 
standing  armies  without  the  consent  of  our 
legislature. 

''He  has  affected  to  render  the  military  in- 
dependent of,  and  superior  to,  the  civil  power. 
.     .     .     .     .     .     giving  his  assent  to  their  (the 

Lords  and  Commons)  acts  of  pretended  legis- 
lature; for  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed 
troops  among  us ;  for  protecting  them  by  mock 
trial  from  punishment  for  any  murders  which 
they  should  commit  on  the  inhabitants  of  these 
States;  for  cutting  off  our  trade  with  all  parts 
of  the  world;  for  imposing  taxes  on  us  without 
our  consent,  etc. 

"He  is  at  this  time  transporting  large  armies 
of  foreign  mercenaries  to  complete  the  work 
of  death,  desolation,  and  tyranny,  already  be- 
gun, Avith  circumstances  of  cruelty  and  perfi- 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08  80 

dy,  scarcely  paralleled  in  the  most  barbarous 
ages,  and  totally  unworthy  the  head  of  a  civil- 
ized nation He  has  excited  do- 
mestic insurrections  amongst  us,  and  has  en- 
deavored to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our 
frontiers,  the  merciless  Indian  savages,  whose 
known  rule  of  warfare  is  an  undistinguished 
destruction  of  all  ages,  sexes,  and  conditions." 

"In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions  we  have 
petitioned  for  redress,  in  most  humble  terms; 
our  repeated  petitions  have  been  answered 
only  by  repeated  injuries.  A  prince  whose 
character  is  tlius  marked  l)y  every  act  which 
may  defmc  a  tyrant,  is  unht  to  be  ruler  of 
a  free  people." 

Many  of  the  national  disasters  which  hum- 
bled the  pride  of  Britain  in  George's  reign 
might  have  been  averted  if  his  arbitrary  med- 
dling in  affairs  of  state  could  have  been  pre- 
vented. 

The  repeated  demand  of  the  Irish  Catholics 
for  their  civil  rights  were  neglected  chiefly 
through  his  decided  opposition.  Indeed  every 
attempt  at  reforming  old  abuses  or  introduc- 
ing liberal  measures  in  administration  were 
thwarted  at  the  hands  of  this  self-willed  and 
arbitrary  tyrant. 

His  first  symptoms  of  insanity  betrayed 
themselves  in  1758.  In  the  spring  of  1775  the 
patience  of  the  Americans  was  exhausted,  and 
they  declared  war  with  England. 

The  defeat  and  surrender  of  Burgoyne's 
army  followed  in  ''yy.    To  add  to  the  dishonor 


90  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

of  England  in  this  war  the  King's  persistent 
poHcy  of  recruiting  as  many  as  possible  of  the 
American  Indians  to  light  against  the  colonists 
was  carried  out.  Mercenary  troops  from  the 
German  states  of  Hesse-Cassel  and  Brunswick 
were  imported  at  great  expense  for  the  same 
purpose. 

A  new  war  with  France  began  in  the  follow- 
ing year. 

The  final  expulsion  after  capitulation  of  the 
English  army  under  Cornwallis  brought  a 
fresh  humiliation  to  Great  Britain  in  1782. 

Then  came  the  Irish  revolt  in  '98,  while  in 
the  same  year  England  was  engaged  in  an- 
other sanguinary  war  with  the  French  army 
under  Napoleon  in  the  famous  Egyptian  cam- 
paign. 

In  1809  a  Jubilee  celebration  was  observed 
in  England  in  honor  of  the  King's  reign  of  50 
years.  But  in  truth  the  British  nation  had  not 
much  cause  for  rejoicing,  for  almost  the  whole 
continent  of  Europe  was  just  then  under  the 
rule  of  France.  The  King's  malady  returned 
in  1810.  New  disputes  arose  with  the  United 
States  which  threatened  to  add  new  disasters 
to  the  gloom  and  popular  discontent  prevail- 
ing at  home. 

When  George  ceased  to  be  King  at  his  re- 
lapse into  insanity  and  was  removed  by  death 
nine  years  later  many  others  among  his  sub- 
jects were  glad  as  well  as  the  people  of  Ireland. 

The  English  statesmen  deputed  by  George 
III.  as  Lord  Lieutenants  of  Ireland  were  sel- 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  91 

dom  of  a  character  to  conciliate  the  disaffected 
inhabitants. 

When  any  of  them  happened  to  show  too 
much  honesty  in  administration  to  suit  the 
rapacious  horde  of  minor  officials  and  place- 
hunters  he  soon  fell  under  their  mialignant 
censures,  was  reported  to  the  royal  advisers, 
as  incompetent  for  the  exigencies  of  his  post 
of  duty,  and  was  consequently  recalled. 

An  example  of  this  rare  quality  of  honest 
purpose  in  a  Viceroy  to  Ireland  we  find  in 
Lord  Fitzwilliam. 

His  short  administration  of  three  m,onths 
had  won  him  the  affections  of  the  city  of  Dub- 
lin, so  that  at  his  departure  a  popular  demon- 
stration was  made  of  their  feelings  of  respect 
and  gratitude. 

Thus  the  people  proved  that  it  was  the  ar- 
rogance and  the  rapacity  of  their  rulers,  and 
not  the  men  themselves  which  embittered  their 
minds  and  fostered  disloyalty,  whilst  the 
slightest  prospect  of  redress  for  their  wrongs 
or  gracious  treatment  secured  their  confidence. 

As  successor  to  Fitzwilliam  Lord  Camden 
was  sent  over  in  INIarch,  '95.  He  continued  in 
the  Viceregal  ofifice  until  June  21st,  '98,  and  on 
account  of  the  part  he  played  in  relation  to  the 
Irish  rebellion  his  name  may  be  allowed  a  place 
here. 

Born  in  Devonshire  in  17 14,  he  was  known 
by  his  family  name  as  Charles  Pratt.  His  edu- 
cation was  obtained  at  Eton  and  Cambridge. 
As  a  profession    he    selected    law    and  com- 


02  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08 

menced  its  practice  in  1738.  His  abilities  rec- 
ommended him  for  advancement  in  public  life. 
His  first  appointment  of  distinction  was  as 
Attorney  General,  to  which  honor  was  added 
the  title  of  Knight  in  1757.  On  the  accession 
of  George  HI|  in  1760  he  was  made  Chief  Jus- 
tice of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas.  In  1765 
he  was  raised  to  the  peerage  under  the  name  of 
Baron  Camden. 

The  following  year  ('66)  he  was  still  further 
promoted  by  obtaining  the  post  of  Lord  Chan- 
cellor. On  May  13th,  1786,  he  was  created 
Earl  Camden.  During  the  parliamentary  de- 
bates on  colonial  matters  he  distinguished  him- 
self by  advocating  the  rights  of  the  Americans. 

From  the  date  of  his  arrival  as  Viceroy  in 
'95  the  Irish  parliament  relapsed  into  its  old 
degenerate  habits.  In  the  House  of  Commons 
Grattan  remained  with  a  few  of  his  liberal  col- 
leagues making  a  last  effort  at  reforms. 

The  emancipation  of  the  Catholics,  repeat- 
edly brought  by  him  before  the  house,  was 
rejected  by  a  majority  of  ten  to  one.  Instead 
of  conciliatory  measures  there  were  several 
acts  of  coercion  passed.  Among  them  was  the 
Insurrection  Act,  giving  power  to  the  magis- 
trates of  any  county  to  proclaim  martial  law; 
the  Riot  Act,  giving  authority  to  disperse  any 
number  of  persons  by  force  of  arms  without 
notice;  Suspension  of  the  habeas  corpus,  &c. 

The  few  patriotic  members,  now  seeing 
their  efforts  useless  and  that  parliament  had 
become  a  mere  tool  in  the  hands  of  the  op- 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  '  93 

pressors  of  their  country,  decided  to  withdraw, 
formally  and  openly  from  further  attendance 
on  the  House  of  Commons.  Along  with  Grat- 
tan  in  this  resolution  were  George  Ponsonby, 
Curran,  Hardy,  Lord  Edward  Fitzgerald, 
Lord  Henry  Fitzgerald,  Arthur  O'Connor  and 
others. 

Grattan's  solemn  admonition  on  this  occa- 
sion ended  with  these  affecting  words:  "We 
have  offered  you  our  measure — you  will  reject 
it;  we  deprecate  yours — you  will  persevere; 
having  no  hopes  left  to  persuade  or  to  dis- 
suade, and  having  discharged  our  duty,  we 
shall  trouble  you  no  more,  and  after  this  day 
shall  not  attend  the  House  of  Commons." 

In  a  letter  to  Castlereagh  in  '93  Lord  Cam- 
den betrayed  the  English  policy  of  goading 
the  Irish  people  into  insurrection  in  order  to 
deprive  them  of  their  liberties.  He  faithfully 
carried  out  the  instructions  that  he  received 
from  the  King,  at  his  appointment,  ''to  support 
the  old  English  interest  as  well  as  the  Pro- 
testant religion."  He  was  responsible  also  for 
the  "quartering  of  the  soldiers  among  the 
peasantry  and  all  the  horrors  following  from 
such  practices. 

A  brave  and  fair  minded  Scotch  general. 
Sir  Ralph  Abercrombie,  who  was  in  command 
of  the  military  forces,  resigned  his  post  in  dis- 
gust at  the  atrocious  conduct  of  the  magistracy 
and  military  officers  in  dealing  with  the  de- 
fenseless people.  Camden  accepted  his  resig- 
nation and  allowed  the  abuses  to  continue  with 
Lord  Lake  holding  temporary  command. 


94  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

Lord  Cornwallis  was  appointed  Lord  Lieu- 
tenant of  Ireland  to  succeed  Camden  June 
2 1  St,  '98.  He  was  sent  with  the  two-fold 
authority  of  civil  and  military  service.  His 
reputation  as  a  British  general  was  long  estab- 
lished both  in  his  own  country  and  abroad. 
He  was  born  December  31st,  1738.  At  the 
famous  English  seats  of  learning,  Eton  and 
Cambridge,  he  received  his  education. 

He  entered  the  army  at  an  early  age,  and 
had  ample  opportunity  to  exercise  his  military 
abilities  in  the  various  campaigns  which  occu- 
pied England  at  that  period.  In  the  seven 
years'  war  he  did  great  service  under  Lord 
Granby,  and  was  honored  with  the  peerage 
in  1762. 

As  a  statesman  he  showed  some  liberal  ten- 
dencies in  opposing  the  measures  which  led  to 
the  American  war. 

Although  disapproving  the  British  policy  of 
provoking  the  colonies  to  resistance  he  had  to 
engage  in  the  armed  conflict  when  war  was 
declared.  With  his  regiment  he  accompanied 
the  fleet  that  was  despatched  to  reinforce  the 
forces  under  Howe  and  Clinton  in  their  cam- 
paigns against  the  American  insurgents.  He 
held  the  post  of  major-general  while  planning 
assaults  on  the  enemy  in  New  Jersey,  and  com- 
manded the  detachment  that  took  possession 
of  Philadelphia  September  24th,  1777.  Tlie 
siege  of  Charleston  in  1780  was  conducted  by 
him.  After  its  capture  he  continued  in  com- 
mand of  about  4,000  troops  to  control  the  dis- 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  95 

affected  of  South  Carolina.    He  gained  a  vic- 
tory over  Gates  at  Camden  August  i6th,  1780 
and  a  second  over  Greene  at  Guilford  March' 
15th,  1781. 

After  this  he  met  various  reverses,  and  at 
\orktown  bemg  unable  to  escape  by  sea,  he 
shut  himself  up  behind  strong  intrenchments 
to  repel  the  enemy.  Here  he  was  surorunded 
by  the  Americans,  combined  with  the  French 
fleet  recently  arrived  as  allies.  After  some 
show  of  resistance  he  was  forced  to  surrender 
with  his  whole  force  October  19th,  1781 

This  event  put  an  end  to  the  war.  It  led  to 
the  change  in  the  English  ministry  and  the 
recognition  of  American  independence 

Having  returned  with  his  regiment  to  Eng- 
land he  was  despatched  to  new  scenes  of  war- 
fare in  India,  and  in  1786  was  appointed  gov- 
ernor general  and  commander-in-chief  of  the 
English  army  in  Bengal. 

Recalled  to  England,  his  services  were  rec- 
ognized by  other  marks  of  royal  favor,  and  in 
98  he  was  selected  for  the  position  of  Viceroy 
in  Ireland.  The  insurrection  was  at  its  height 
on  his  arrival.  His  instructions  were  similar 
to  those  given  to  Camden— to  bring  about  the 
abolition  of  the  Irish  parliament  while  thor- 
oughly subduing  the  insurgents.  He  assumed 
the  task  with  zeal,  using  all  the  authority  and 
resources  at  his  command  to  completely  dis- 
arm the  people.  With  the  powerful  reinforce- 
rnents  of  military  then  distributed  in  every  sec- 
tion of  the  conntry,  an  experienced  general  as 


96  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

he  was  could  not  claim  great  merit  for  bring- 
ing the  rebellion  to  a  close. 

It  is  but  just  to  acknowledge  that  his  ad- 
ministration was  marked  by  efforts  on  his  part 
to  repress  the  excesses  of  the  Orange  party 
and  lessen  the  brutal  conduct  of  the  military 
officials  that  had  long  distracted  the  iniiab- 
itants  under  his  predecessors. 

He  continued  as  Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland 
attending  diligently  to  state  affairs,  and  winn- 
ing the  favor  of  the  royal  master  for  two  years 
after  the  rebellion  was  suppressed.  He  had 
the  distinction  of  presiding  at  the  successful 
scheme  of  union  between  Ireland  and  Great 
Britain  in  1800.  His  resignation  of  the  office 
was  handed  to  the  King  in  1801.  The  next 
service  to  his  country  performed  by  him  was 
the  ratification  of  the  peace  of  Amiens,  for 
which  he  was  deputed  to  France  as  plenipoten- 
tiary in  1802. 

Lastly  his  military  abilities  marked  him  out 
for  a  second  appointment  as  general  in  India. 
Arriving  in  Calcutta  to  resume  that  important 
part  of  duty  in  1805,  death  put  an  end  to  his 
career. 

Another  notorious  figure  during  the  period 
of  Irish  revolt  was  Lord  Castlereagh.  In  the 
beginning  of  '98  he  became  Chief  Secretary 
of  Ireland,  and  to  him  is  due  the  most  dis- 
reputable part  of  government  intrigues  both  to 
provoke  the  country  into  rebellion  and  after- 
wards to  abolish  the  Irish  parliament.    It  is  not 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  97- 

in  approval  of  any  acts  of  his  public  life,  as  far 
as  they  related  to  Ireland,  that  a  sketch  of  his 
career  finds  a  place  here.  We  merely  put  him 
on  record  as  a  curiosity  of  human  degradation 
and  depravity  detested  by  his  countrymen, 
whether  co-temporaries  with  him  or  who  have 
lived  since  to  recall  his  memory. 

His  family  name  was  Robert  Stewart,  and 
his  civil  titles  borne  during  his  political  career 
was  Marquis  and  Viscount  of  Londonderry. 

He  was  born  at  the  family  seat  of  Mount 
Stewart,  County  Down,  Ireland,  June  i8th, 
1769.  In  his  youth  he  attended  the  grammar 
school  at  Armagh  and  completed  his  education 
at  Cambridge  University. 

Early  in  life  he  had  ambition  for  political 
honors,  and  in  1789  he  succeeded  in  being 
elected  to  the  Irish  parliament  as  a  member  for 
the  County  Down. 

In  the  sharp  contest  at  that  election  his 
family  was  said  to  have  spent  the  large  sum  of 
£25,000;  such  was  the  method  of  securing 
votes  among  the  aristocracy  of  that  period.  In 
1794  he  was  returned  to  the  British  House  of 
Commons,  and  again  in  ^96  secured  a  seat  as 
member  for  Oxford. 

Relinquishing  his  lionors  in  the  English 
parliament,  he  secured  re-election  for  the 
County  Down  in  Ireland,  and  was  appointed 
Keeper  of  the  Privy  Seal. 

Appointed  Chief  Secretary  to  Lord  Corn- 
wallis  in  '98,  he  was  chief  adviser  in  the  repres- 


98  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

sive  policy  of*  the  Castle,  and  actively  encour- 
aged the  abuses  among  the  military  magis- 
trates. 

After  the  Union  was  accomplished  he  re- 
tired to  England,  entering  the  first  Imperial 
Parliament  both  for  1801  and  1802.  Various 
positions  of  honor  were  conferred  upon  him 
from  this  time  forward,  such  as  Privy  Council- 
lor of  Great  Britain,  and  President  of  the 
Board  of  Control,  Secretary  of  War  for  the 
Colonies,  &c. 

In  1809,  after  encountering  much  political 
opposition  and  taking  part  in  heated  debates 
on  public  affairs  he  fell  under  bitter  censure 
on  account  of  a  foolish  expedition  to  Walch- 
eren  that  ended  in  disgraceful  failure. 

From  1812  to  1820  he  held  a  seat  in  parlia- 
ment for  his  native  County  Down.  His  sup- 
port of  George  IV.  in  his  efforts  to  get  rid  of 
Queen  Caroline,  and  his  repeated  opposition  to 
popular  measures  increased  the  general  feel- 
ings of  contempt  with  which  he  was  regarded 
by  all  except  the  narrow  circle  around  the 
throne.  He  fell  into  a  state  of  melancholy  at 
his  country  seat  in  Kent,  England,  and  cut  his 
throat  with  a  penknife,  thus  finding  a  miser- 
able death  August  12th,  1822. 

Charles  James  Fox  was  an  English  states- 
man and  orator  who  had  a  notable  influence 
in  public  affairs  during  the  period  in  which  he 
lived.  He  was  born  in  London  January  24th, 
1749.     On  his  mother's  side  he  was  a  descend- 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  Oa 

ant  of  Charles  II.  and  Henry  IV.  of  France. 
From  Eton,  where  his  studies  commenced,  he 
went  to  Oxford  in  1764,  and  there  made  a  bril- 
Hant  record  for  superior  natural  gifts.  From 
the  University  he  went  to  the  continent  to 
gratify  his  literary  tastes,  where  he  found 
ample  opportunities.  Returning  to  England, 
he  entered  a  parliamentary  career  in  which  his 
influence  was  exercised  for  the  introduction  of 
liberal  principles. 

He  foretold  the  defeat  of  the  British  arms  in 
America  after  making  a  vigorous  plea  in  behalf 
of  the  colonists. 

In  1782  he  was  made  Secretary  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  and  undertook  to  secure  peace  wnth 
the  hostile  powers  and  the  recognition  of  the 
Independence  of  the  United  States.  Parlia- 
mentary reform  was  earnestly  advocated  by 
him  in  conjunction  with  Pitt,  who  was  minis- 
ter at  that  time. 

Concessions  to  Ireland  he  also  insisted  on 
with  his  usual  eloquence.  In  1788  he  joined 
Burke  and  Windham  in  opening  the  impeach- 
ment of  Warren  Hastings  for  his  Indian  bar- 
barities. 

In  1797  he  retired  from  the  active  debates 
of  Parliament  on  account  of  the  overwhelming 
majority  opposed  to  every  motion  for  reform. 

In  1798  he  was  put  off  the  list  of  Privy  Coun- 
cillors for  having  repeated  the  Duke  of  Nor- 
folk toast:     "To  the  majesty  of  the  people." 

By  his  efforts  in  the  House  of  Commons  he 
secured  a  vote  for  the  abolition  of  the  slave 
trade,  and  negotiated  the  peace  wath  France. 


100  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

With  generous  purpose  he  labored  with  Wil- 
berforce  and  Burke  to  further  every  project  in 
the  cause  of  humanity. 

To  his  influence  are  due  the  various  meas- 
ures of  reform  in  the  constitution,  which  have 
finally  been  adopted. 

Ireland's  grievances  as  well  as  those  of  the 
American  colonists,  were  painted  in  their  true 
colors  in  his  fervid  appeals  to  his  countrymen. 

Mackintosh  says  of  him:  "He  certainly  pos- 
sessed above  all  moderns  that  union  of  reason, 
simplicity,  and  vehemence  which  formed  the 
prince  of  orators.  He  was  the  most  Demos- 
thenian  speaker  since  Demosthenes." 

To  review  the  career  of  such  a  man  is  a 
work  most  gratifying  to  the  historian,  who  too 
often  has  the  repulsive  task  of  tracing  charac- 
ters of  an  ignoble  type. 

In  Fox's  day  corruption  among  politicians 
and  men  in  places  of  public  trust  was  the  gen- 
eral rule,  and  it  required  a  courage  more  than 
ordinary  to  stand  forth  as  the  champion  of 
popular  rights  or  any  liberal  measures.  Fox 
had  a  soul  far  above  all  petty  considerations  of 
self-interest.  His  character  may  be  summed 
up  as  follows:  He  was  thoroughly  disinter- 
ested, and  sought  only  the  honor  of  his  coun- 
try and  the  greatest  good  of  humanity.  He 
died  at  Chiswick  September  13th,  1806. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE    UNION  OF  IRELAND  Wl'lir   GREAT  BRITAIN. 

To  rob  Ireland  of  her  parliament  was  the 
purpose  of  George  III.  and  his  ministers  in 
provoking  the  Irish  people  into  armed  rebel- 
lion. That  object  was  accomplished  in  the 
second  year  after  the  revolt  was  suppressed. 

Of  course  it  was  said  that  the  Irish  gave  up 
their  parliament  willingly  by  a  regular  vote  of 
their  representatives  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons at  their  own  capital.  To  say  so  would 
be  far  from  the  truth.  The  measure  was  re- 
sisted by  all  true  Irishmen  with  the  greatest 
determination.  What  was  made  to  appear  a 
voluntary  surrender  was  nothing  but  a  base 
sham. 

When  a  robber  seizes  your  goods  his  act  is 
no  -less  a  robbery  because  by  administering 
noxious  drugs  he  induces  you,  in  your  help- 
less condition,  to  say  you  bestow  them. 

The  infamous  methods  employed  by  the 
King's  ministers  to  influence  a  few  so-called 
Irish  legislators  assembled  in  Dublin  are  no 
less  detestable  than  the  operations  of  the  bur- 
glar to  secure  his  neighbor's  treasure. 

What  is  called  ''packing  a  jury"  is  admitted 
by  everyone  to  be  a  most  disgraceful  way  of 
accomplishing  a  purpose.     It  means  that  the 


102  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08 

most  effective  way  of  obtaining  justice  is  per- 
verted into  an  instrument  of  inflicting  wrong. 
The  jurymen  are  selected  on  account  of  their 
one-sided  sympathy  either  well  known  from 
former  habit  or  purchased  at  a  price.  No  one 
will  take  their  decision  as  worthy  of  respect, 
notwithstanding  that  their  case  is  conducted 
under  the  forms  of  law. 

For  similar  reasons  the  acts  of  the  Irish 
Parliament,  at  the  period  under  consideration, 
do  not  deserve  to  be  called  independent  legisla- 
tion, and  are  grossly  disreputable. 

Lord  Cornwallis,  after  crushing  the  rebellion 
by.  his  military  activity,  began  at  once  to  exer- 
cise his  abilities  and  powers  as  legislator. 

Faithful  to  his  master,  the  King,  as  a  suc- 
cessful general  he  wanted  to  show  his  devotion 
to  the  royalist  interests  in  his  acts  as  Lord 
Lieutenant. 

He  set  his  mind  to  the  task  of  making  Ire- 
land a  mere  province  of  the  British  empire  by 
abolishing  its  independent  parliament.  The 
great  plea  used  by  him  and  other  advocates  of 
the  measure  was,  ''the  consolidation  of  the 
British  Empire." 

On  the  22d  of  June,  1799,  he  presented  his 
plans  before  the  assembled  parliament.  He 
congratulated  both  houses  on  the  suppression 
of  the  late  rebellion,  on  the  defeat  of  Bom- 
part's  squadron,  and  the  recent  French  vic- 
tories of  Nelson,  and  proceeded  to  unfold  his 
project  for  the  union  of  their  body  with  that 
of  England. 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  103 

On  the  paragraph  in  his  address  referring 
to  the  Union,  a  debate  commenced  in  the  Com- 
mons which  lasted  till  one  o'clock  the  follow- 
ing day — more  than  twenty  consecutive  hours. 

Against  the  Union  spoke  Ponsonby,  Par- 
sons, Fitzgerald,  Barrington,  Plunkett,  Lee, 
O'Donnell  and  Bushe. 

In  its  favor  the  advocates  were  Lord  Castle- 
reagh,  Corry,  Fox,  Osborne,  Duignan  and 
some  others. 

The  contest  was  carried  on  in  the  English 
Parliament  as  well  as  in  Dublin.  The  two  great 
parties  engaged  in  the  discussion  were  known 
as  "Unionists"  and  "Anti-Unio'nists." 

That  there  was  a  "Unionist"  party  in  Ire- 
land may  cause  surprise  to  those  who  are  unac- 
quainted with  the  state  of  the  country  at  that 
period. 

All  wonder  will  vanish  when  it  is  recollected 
that  the  whole  island  was  overrun  with  a 
greedy  multitude  of  ofificials  of  various  kinds  in 
^the  pay  of  the  government;  a  host  of  Church  of 
England  clergymen;  a  rapacious  body  of  the 
legal  profession,  as  well  as  the  landlord  class 
with  their  numerous  agents — nearly  all  of 
English  importation. 

As  these  were  all  in  quest  of  the  fat  things 
only  that  they  derived  from  the  nation  their 
minds  were  little  concerned  about  the  coun- 
try's political  independence  or  its  commercial 
prosperity.  As  long  as  their  various  revenues 
were  assured  they  lent  their  aid  in  promot- 
ing English  interests,  completely  deaf  to  the 


104  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

appeals  of  the  natives  for  a  remedy  of 
their  grievances.  The  landlord  class  alone 
wielded  a  power  that  was  felt  in  every  corner  of 
the  island.  They  were  for  the  most  part  absen- 
tees, i.e.,  they  lived  out  of  the  country,  gener- 
ally in  their  sumptuous  castles  of  England  or 
Scotland,  or  seeking  amusement  while  squan- 
dering their  wealth  in  the  European  capitals. 

To  them  Ireland  was  a  place  not  worth 
thinking  of  except  as  far  as  its  estates  yielded 
them  a  revenue.  Their  faithful  agents  who  had 
the  collecting  of  their  revenues,  lived  in  luxury 
hardly  less  than  that  of  their  masters,  and  were 
a  formidable  colony  for  English  interests  at 
Ireland's  capital. 

The  tenantry  on  the  estates  owned  by  the 
absentee  landlord  were  completely  at  the 
mercy  of  the  agent.  At  his  bidding  the  tenant 
cast  his  vote.  If  he  dare  assert  his  right  of 
choice  his  fate  was  well  known.  It  meant  the 
loss  of  his  home — eviction  from  the  land  to 
which  he  is  attached  by  all  the  ties  of  affection 
— a  home  sacred  by  the  memories  of  a  vener- 
able ancestry. 

The  merits  of  the  candidate  for  parliament 
were  not  to  be  considered  in  the  case.  The 
candidate  might  be  a  county  squire  of  well 
known  depraved  habits,  as  often  was  the  case, 
and  without  capacity  for  any  public  office.  If 
he  was  the  choice  of  the  landlord  the  matter 
was  decided  by  instructions  issued  by  the  agent 
on  eletion  day. 

Another  powerful  instrument  of  the  English 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  105 

government  in  Ireland  was  the  Established 
Church.  This  embraced  the  body  of  bishops 
and  inferior  clergy  with  the  richly  endowed 
colleges. 

As  the  bishops  were  selected  by  the  King, 
and  held  the  rank  of  Lords  in  the  Irish  Parlia- 
ment, they  always  turned  the  scale  in  the  Up- 
per House  in  favor  of  every  act  dictated  from 
the  throne.  They,  along  with  the  numerous 
ministers  in  charge  of  so-called  parishes 
throughout  the  country,  represented  extensive 
land  ownership,  while  Trinity  College  enjoyed 
enormous  revenues  from  wide  estates  confis- 
cated from  the  old  Catholic  proprietors. 

Catholics  were  allowed  to  dwell  on  the  land 
once  owned  by  their  ancestors  on  condition  of 
paying  rents  to  those  new  masters  in  order 
that  the  State  Church  might  flourish.  But 
their  presence  as  tenants  was  not  desired  and 
was  only  tolerated  as  a  source  of  profit.  When- 
ever enough  of  Scotch  settlers  or  other  adven- 
turers were  found  to  take  the  land  on  the  same 
terms  the  native  residents  were  forced  to  fly 
into  exile. 

That  a  clergy  so  liberally  provided  for  by 
the  government  should  be  loyal  is  not  difficult 
to  understand.  The  salaries  of  the  Church  of 
England  bishops — the  creatures  of  the  King, 
were  so  large  that  the  office  of  bishop  was  one 
of  the  most  desirable  in  the  Kingdom. 

The  salary  of  the  ordinary  Protestant  parson 
was  enough  to  secure  him  the  enjoyment  of 
luxuries  more  than    ordinary,    while  elegant 


106  IRELAND^S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

residences  with  choice  acres  of  glebe-lands 
were  also  provided  for  them  by  the  same  boun- 
tiful state  treasury. 

The  ranks  of  the  clergy,  it  need  not  be  added, 
were  well  filled.  Many  an  English  nobleman 
having  more  sons  than  he  could  provide  for 
at  home,  found  it  very  convenient  to  place  one 
or  two  of  his  genteel  bOys  in  one  of  those  Irish 
church  livings.  Indeed,  the  life  of  these  sleek 
parsons  could  not  be  called  Apostolic.  For, 
the  bishop  lived  in  a  sumptuous  style  in  some 
lovely  palace,  with  title  of  an  imaginary  dio- 
cese in  some  corner  of  Catholic  Munster  or 
Connaught,  without  any  Protestant  flock, 
while  the  inferior  country  parsons  found  life 
equal  to  a  perpetual  vacatior\. 

Other  officials  enjoying  comfortable  gov- 
ernment positions  were  tax  collectors,  spies, 
contractors  and  traders  for  supplying  the 
numerous  military  garrisons.  English  mer- 
chants alsO'  swarmed  in  the  chief  seaports. 

If  we  add  to  this  foreign  element  the  in- 
fluence of  judges,  lawyers,  and  various  petty 
officers  of  the  court,  there  will  appear  material 
enough  to  form  a  party  whose  tastes  and  feel- 
ings incline  to  the  so-called  ''consolidation  of 
the  British  empire." 

The  people  of  Dublin,  who  always  embodied 
the  sentiments  of  the  whole  country,  showed 
how  anxious  they  were  about  the  fate  of  their 
native  parliament.  Bad  as  it  proved  itself  to 
be  for  years  past  and  almost  beyond  hope  of 
reform,  it  was,  nevertheless,  to  their  minds  a 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  'OS  107 

symbol,  if  nothing  more,  of  their  independence 
as  a  nation.  Its  abolition  foreboded  evils  still 
more  disastrous. 

During  the  debate  on  January  22d,  men- 
tioned above  the  galleries  *and  lobbies  of  the 
House  were  croAvded  all  night  by  the  most 
prominent  people  of  the  city,  including  many 
ladies,  with  attention  strained  to  the  utmost 
to  await  the  result  of  the  vote. 

That  part  of  the  Viceroy's  address  referring 
to  the  Union,  was  rejected  by  only  one  vote. 
There  was  public  rejoicing  at  this  announce- 
ment. The  leading  anti-Unionists  were  es- 
corted in  triumph  to  their  homes,  while  the 
Unionists  were  protected  by  strong  military 
escorts  from  the  popular  indignation.  At  night 
the  city  was  illuminated,  and  the  event  was 
celebrated  as  a  great  victory. 

Among  the  various  arguments  against  the 
Union  eloquently  presented  by  the  patriotic 
members  was  the  convincing  one  of  the  in- 
competency of  parliament  to  put  an  end  to  its 
own  existence. 

On  this  point  Plunkett,  in  the  course  of  his 
speech,  exclaimed:  "Yourselves  you  may  ex- 
tinguish, but  parliament  you  cannot  extin- 
gu<ish.  It  is  enthroned  in  the  hearts  of  the 
people — it  is  enshrined  in  the  sanctuary  of  the 
constitution — it  is  immortal  as  the  island  that 
protects  it.  As  well  might  the  frantic  suicide 
imagine  that  the  act  which  destroys  his  miser- 
able body  should  also  extinguish  his  eternal 
soul.     Again,  therefore,  I  warn  you,  do  not 


lOS  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08 

dare  to  lay  your  hands  on  the  constitution — it 
is  above  your  powers." 

The  defeated  Unionists  saw  that  it  would  be 
necessary  to  defer  the  matter  for  a  time.  But 
measures  were  taken  for  the  final  success  of 
the  project.  The  majority  in  the  House  which 
thwarted  the  Union  must  be  got  rid  of,  and 
for  this  purpose  various  schemes  were  set  in 
motion.  New  members  must  be  secured  to  the 
number  of  forty  or  fifty,  who  would  be  at  the 
bidding  of  the  Chief  Secretary.  New  peerages 
were  created,  and  other  lucrative  offices  dis- 
tributed among  those  whose  votes  were  to  be 
used  as  the  Castle  dictated.  Vast  sums  of 
''secret  service  money"  were  employed  in  re- 
moving opposition.  Those  whose  private  in- 
terests were  threatened  by  a  change  from  a  na- 
tional to  an  imperial  parliament  were  quieted 
by  an  advance  of  money  large  enough  to  com- 
pensate for  all  losses  incurred  through  the  new 
political  changes.  Great  borough  proprietors, 
like  Lord  Ely  and  Lord  Shannon,  received  as 
much  as  £45,000  sterling  in  ''compensation" 
for  their  loss  of  patronage,  while  proprietors 
of  single  seats  received  £15,000. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  majority  in  both 
houses  was  purchased,  while  some  were  pur- 
chased twice  over. 

Lord  Carysfort,  an  active  partisan  of  the 
measure,  writing  in  February,  1800,  to  his 
friend,  the  Marquis  of  Buckingham,  frankly 
says:  "The  majority,  which  has  been  bought 
at  an  enormous  price,   must    be  bought  over 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08  109 

again  before  all  the  details  can  be  gone 
through." 

Inside  of  six  months  in  that  year  there  ap- 
peared in  the  Dublin  "Gazette"  a  list  of  forty- 
two  new  peerages  created  by  the  arbitrary  act 
of  government  in  order  to  secure  the  needed 
majority  in  support  of  the  Union. 

That  mysterious  agency  called  "secret  ser- 
vice fund"  employed  in  the  machinery  of  most 
governments,  suggests  some  questions  that 
might  well  make  us  blush  for  human  nature. 
If  all  the  dark  deeds  perpetrated  under  the 
pretense  of  national  emergency  through  the 
"secret  service  fund"  were  exposed  to  public 
gaze  what  a  ghastly  picture  of  corruption  in 
high  places — of  vile  motives  in  so-called  states- 
men would  be  revealed! 

The  use  of  such  money  in  Ireland  was  not 
only  in  purchasing  the  votes  of  the  native  citi- 
zens or  legislators  that  they  might  betray  their 
country's  interests.  The  employment  of  spies 
at  a  high  price  was  a  long-continued  system. 
Men  of  depraved  tendencies  found  a  profitable 
calling  in  the  betrayal  of  most  respectable  citi- 
zens during  the  long  years  when  the  penal 
laws  were  in  force.  The  trade  of  the  "priest 
hunter"  and  the  detective  for  reporting  Cath- 
olics found  engaged  in  their  highest  form  of 
worship  became  profitable  and  gave  occupa- 
tion tO'  a  vile  herd  among  the  lowest  dregs  of 
the  population.  During  the  long  reigns  of 
Elizabeth  and  James  and  Charles  that  class  of 
degraded   humanity   flourished.     For  a  high 


110  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08 

price  was  placed  on  a  priest's  head,  and  every 
Catholic  found  at  his  devotions  had  to  pay  a 
high  forfeit. 

Another  tool  of  the  Castle  government  was 
the  emissary  paid  to  foster  disunion,  to  stir  up 
quarrels  among  the  populace,  to  organize  riots 
and  disorders  in  order  to  furnish  a  pretense  for 
severe  legislation,  and  an  excuse  for  delaying 
the  country's  demands  for  civil  rights. 

The  money  spent  in  this  manner  was 
charged  to  the  Irish  tax  payer,  so  that  he  was 
forced  to  pay  the  vile  wretch  who  helped  to 
take  away  the  liberties  of  his  country.  The 
treasury  of  the  nation  was  made  to  do  duty  to 
keep  the  nation  in  bondage.  Popular  or  treas- 
onable agitation  was  fostered  in  order  toexcuse 
the  repressive  measures  repeatedly  decreed 
against  the  agitators.  A  spirit  of  jealousy  and 
strife  between  the  native  princes  was  kept  alive 
so  that  division  would  continue  among  the 
people,  and  thus  their  power  for  resisting  op- 
pression rendered  feeble. 

This  stirring  up  of  strife  among  the  simple 
peasantry,  this  fomenting  disunion  and  encour- 
aging disorder  for  purposes  of  state  policy  was 
a  business  carried  on  with  greater  secrecy,  and 
the  lavish  use  of  the  "secret  service  fund"  was 
generally  kept  carefully  from  public  notice. 
But  these  dark  proceedings  are  no  longer  sec- 
rets. 

Subsequent  history  has  revealed  all  these 
machinations  of  the  politicians  of  former  times 
so  revolting  to  honest  men  and  so  disgraceful 
to  any  civilized  government. 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  111 

Where  a  noxious  viper  is  nourished  for  the 
sake  of  the  deadly  mischief  it  is  employed  to 
inflict,  the  venom  so  carefully  propogated  will, 
in  time,  turn  its  bitterness  against  its  employer 
and  create  an  ulcer  in  the  hand  that  brought  it 
into  life. 

Dishonorable  schemes  in  the  ruler  are  soon 
copied  by  the  common  citizen,  and  the  injured 
multitude  will  not  fail  to  employ  similar  tactics 
in  seeking  a  restoration  of  their  rights. 

Instead  of  elevating  the  subject,  as  the  aim 
of  civilized  government  should  be;  instead  of 
legislating  to  promote  civic  and  domestic  vir- 
tues in  the  community,  we  find  in  the  Irish 
administration  an  infernal  machinery  set  at 
work  to  foster  lying  and  deceit,  to  foment  bitter 
animosities,  and  hinder  the  nation's  prosperity. 

When  the  Irish  Parliament  met  again  on  the 
15th  of  January,  1800,  the  plans  of  Castle- 
reagh  for  securing  a  decisive  vote  for  the 
Union  appeared  complete.  The  usual  formali- 
ties were  carried  out.  The  Viceroy  absenting 
himself.  Lord  Castlereagh^read  the  message, 
and  briefly  sketched  the  plan  of  the  Union.  He 
congratulated  the  country  on  the  improvement 
which  had  taken  place  in  public  opinion  since 
the  former  session.  He  repeated  the  many  ad- 
vantages that  would  certainly  follow  from  a 
United  British  Parliament  in  which  Irish  in- 
terests could  be  duly  considered.  He  tried  to 
dispel  the  fears  of  the  different  sections  of  the 
opposition  party.  The  church  establishment 
was  to  be  secured,  a  vague  promise  was  hinted 


112  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

that  the  CathoHcs  would  be  emancipated,  the 
commercial  prosperity  was  sure  ^o  advance, 
while  many  beautiful  changes  for  the  better 
were  enumerated. 

Now  began  the  debate  with  all  the  vigor 
witnessed  within  the  same  walls  the  preceding 
year.  Through  the  long  hours  of  the  winter's 
night  an  eloquent  war  was  maintained. 

The  scene  is  described  by  Sir  Jonah  Bar- 
rington,  who  was  himself  a  distinguished  actor 
in  the  struggle.  ''Every  mind,"  says  he,  "was 
at  its  stretch,  every  talent  was  in  its  vigor;  it 
was  a  momentous  trial,  and  never  was  so  gen- 
eral and  so  deep  a  sensation  felt  in  any  country. 

Numerous  British  noblemen  and  common- 
ers were  present  at  that  and  the  succeding  de- 
bate, and  they  expressed  opinions  of  Irish  elo- 
quence which  they  had  never  before  conceived, 
nor  ever  after  had  an  opportunity  of  appreciat- 
ing. Every  man  on  that  night  seemed  to  be 
inspired  by  the  subject.  Speeches  more  replete 
with  talent  and  energy,  on  both  sides,  never 
were  heard  in  the  Irish  Senate;  it  was  a  vital 
subject. 

The  sublime,  the  eloquent,  the  figurative  or- 
ator, the  plain,  the  connected,  the  metaphysi- 
cal reasoner,  the  classical,  the  learned,  and  sol- 
emn declaimer,  in  a  succession  of  speeches  so 
full  of  energy  and  enthusiasm,  so  interesting  in 
their  nature,  so  important  in  their  conse- 
quence, created  a  variety  of  sensations  even  in 
the  bosom  of  a  stranger,  and  could  scarcely  fail 
of  exciting  some  sympathy  with  a  nation  which 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  113 

was  doomed  to  close  for  ever  that  school  of 
eloquence  which  had  so  long  given  character 
and  celebrity  to  Irish  talent." 

After  the  discussion  lasted  eighteen  hours  a 
division  was  taken. 

A  majority  of  42  was  for  the  Union. 

The  new  measure  continued  to  be  debated 
in  committee  up  to  the  21st  of  May,  when  Cas- 
tlereagh  got  his  bill  accepted  in  the  Irish 
House  of  Commons  by  a  majority  of  sixty,  and 
on  the  7th  of  June  it  was  finally  passed. 

The  closing  scene  on  this  solemn  occasion  is 
described  by  Barrington  as  follows:  "The  gal- 
leries were  full,  but  the  change  was  lamentable. 
They  were  no  longer  crowded  with  those  who 
had  been  accustomed  to  witness  the  eloquence 
and  to  animate  the  debates  of  that  devoted  as- 
sembly. A  monotonous  and  melancholy  mur- 
mur ran  through  the  benches;  scarcely  a  word 
was  exchanged  amongst  the  members ;  nobody 
seemed  at  ease;  no  cheerfulness  was  apparent; 
and  the  ordinary  business,  for  a  short  time, 
proceeded  in  the  usual  manner. 

"At  length  the  expected  moment  arrived; 
the  order  of  the  day  for  the  third  reading  of  the 
bill  for  a  'legislative  union  between  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland^  was  moved  by  Lord  Cas- 
tlereagh.  Unvaried,  tame,  cold-blooded,  the 
words  seemed  frozen  as  they  issued  from  his 
lips;  and,  as  if  a  simple  citizen  of  the  world,  he 
seemed  to  have  no  sensation  on  the  subject. 

''At  that  moment  he  had  no  countrv,  no 


H 


114  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

God,  but  his  ambition.  He  made  his  motion, 
and  resumed  his  seat,  with  the  utmost  com- 
posure and  indifference. 

"Confused  murmurs  again  ran  through  the 
house.  It  was  visibly  affected.  Every  charac- 
ter, in  a  moment  seemed  involuntarily  rushing 
to  its  index — some  pale,  some  flushed,  some 
agitated — there  were  few  countenances  to 
which  the  heart  did  not  despatch  some  mes- 
senger. Several  members  withdrew  before  the 
question  could  be  repeated,  and  an  awful,  mo- 
mentary silence  succeeded  their  departure. 
The  speaker  rose  slowly  from  that  chair  which 
had  been  the  proud  source  of  his  honors  and 
of  his  high  character.  For  a  moment  he  re- 
sumed his  seat,  but  the  strength  of  his  mind 
sustained  him  in  his  duty,  though  his  struggle 
was  apparent.  With  that  dignity  which  never 
failed  to  signaHze  his  official  actions,  he  held 
up  the  bill  for  a  moment  in  silence.  He  looked 
steadily  around  him  on  the  last  agony  of  the 
expiring  parliament.  He  at  length  repeated, 
in  an  emphatic  tone,  'as  many  as  are  of  opinion 
that  this  bill  do  pass,  say  ay.'  The  aiifirmative 
was  languid,  but  indisputable.  Another  mo- 
mentary pause  ensued.  Again  his  lips  seemed 
to  decline  their  ofifice. 

"At  length,  with  an  eye  averted  from  the  ob- 
ject he  hated,  he  proclaimed,  with  a  subdued 
voice,  The  ayes  have  it.'  The  fatal  sentence 
was  now  pronounced.  For  an  instant  he  stood 
statue-like;  then  indignantly,  and  with  disgust, 
flung  the  bill  upon  the  table,  and  sank  into  his 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  11^ 

chair  with  an  exhausted  spirit.  An  independ- 
dent  country  was  thus  degraded  into  a  prov- 
ince.    Ireland  as  a  nation  was  extinguished." 

The  number  of  Irish  representatives  allowed 
to  take  part  in  the  Imperial  Parliament  in 
London  was  fixed  at  one  hundred,  and  of  peers 
to  be  elected  for  life  was  thirty. 

The  Church  of  England  was  declared  as  one 
with  the  Irish  branch,  and  to  be  sustained  on 
a  similar  footing  with  undiminished  revenues. 

The  debt  of  Ireland  in  1797  was  less  than 
£4,000,000.  In  '99  it  was  increased  to  £14,000,- 
000,  and  it  rose  to  £17,000,000  in  1801 — all 
chargeable  to  Ireland  alone. 

On  the  1st  of  January,  1801,  a  new  imperial 
standard  was  displayed  on  London  Tower, 
Edinburgh  Castle  and  Dublin  Castle.  It  took 
the  form  of  the  three  combined  crosses  of  St. 
Patrick,  vSt.  Andrew  and  St.  George,  under  the 
popular  title  of  the  "Union  Jack." 

The  purposes  of  the  insurrection  were  now 
accomplished  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  King 
and  his  advisers. 

In  justice  to  all  parties  it  must  be  recorded 
that  among  English  statesmen  there  were 
some  who  opposed  the  Union  and  the  repre- 
hensible means  employed  to  effect  it.  When 
speaking  with  an  Irish  acquaintance  on  the 
subject  some  time  previously,  Samuel  Johnson 
declared  his  honest  conviction,  saying:  "Do 
not  unite  with  us,  sir,  it  would  be  the  union  of 
the  shark  with  his  prey;  we  should  unite  with 
you  to  destroy  you." 


116  IRELAND  S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

The  gruff  old  Englishman  was  right.  There 
were  no  advantages  for  Ireland  derived  from 
the  Union. 

If  the  promises  made  by  the  ministry  had 
been  promptly  carried  out — if  the  old. abuses 
had  been  eradicated,  and  the  country's  pros- 
perity given  consideration,  there  is  no  doubt 
but  the  people  of  Ireland  would  have  become 
reconciled  to  the  new  mode  of  legislation 
forced  upon  them.  But  nothing  was  done  to 
conciliate  the  country  without  bitter  and  pro- 
tracted agitation. 

The  emancipation  of  the  Catholics  was  op- 
posed by  the  King,  and  they  were  doomed  to 
groan  under  the  old  load  of  disabilities  for 
twenty-nine  long  years  further  until,  by 
O'Connell's  agitation,  the  concessions  de- 
manded were  made  at  last. 

The  various  acts  of  coercion  that  were 
passed  in  the  British  Parliament  even  after  the 
Union — the  increase  in  the  military  forces, 
and  the  strengthening  of  the  garrisons  over 
the  country  may  be  partly  explained  by  the 
fears  yet  remaining  lest  France  would  resume 
her  alliance  with  the  Irish  and  attempt  her 
former  designs  on  the  Kingdom. 

Napoleon  was  reported  to  be  deliberating 
with  the  exiled  rebels,  who  had  been  welcomed 
by  him  and  secured  responsible  positions  in  his 
powerful  army. 

The  sympathy  of  the  French  nation  for  Ire- 
land was  well  proved,  while  hostilities  against 
England  were  only  interrupted  in  order  to 
await  a  new  opportunity. 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  117 

No  wonder  that  suspicion  lurked  in  the 
British  camp.  The  thief  holds  his  plunder 
with  an  uneasy  conscience. 

The  regular  paid  and  armed  militia  in  the 
country  now  numbered  50,000  men,  while  70,- 
00c  volunteers  were  enrolled,  and  battalioned 
and  ready  to  be  called  out  in  case  of  emerg- 
ency. To  this  formidable  force  an  additional 
army  of  sea-fencibles  were  added. 

It  soon  became  plain  that  all  the  fine  prom- 
ises made  would  be  disregarded,  and  that, 
great  as  the  difificulties  were  before  to  get  a 
hearing  for  Irish  claims,  still  greater  obstacles 
would  be  placed  in  the  way  of  securing  favor- 
able legislation. 

The  struggle  of  Ireland  to  secure  control  of 
its  own  legislation  may  be  compared  to  that 
of  the  American  colonies  during  the  early  part 
of  thieir  history.  The  similarity  appears  es- 
pecially striking  in  the  new  communities  of 
Massachusetts  and  Virginia. 

The  arguments  used  by  them  were  quite 
clear,  and  are  equally  forcible  to-day.  The 
English  monarch  and  parliament  claimed  the 
right  to  appoint  a  governor  or  a  commission 
to  control  the  colonists  without  consulting 
their  wishes. 

The  candidate  selected  for  the  office  was 
generally  sent  directly  from  England,  and  was 
usually  ignorant  of  the  conditions  of  the  newly 
settled  country.  He  was  seldom  expected  to 
have  sympathy  for  the  aspirations  of  the 
people,  and  assumed  his  new  duties  with  the 


118  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

prospect  of  acquiring  wealth  at  the  expense 
of  the  struggHng-  colonists,  whom  he  was  de- 
puted to  rule.  The  right  to  appoint  these  gov- 
ernors without  the  consent  of  the  colonists 
was  always  vigorously  disputed  by  them.  Re- 
monstrances were  repeatedly  sent  over  to  Eng- 
land against  such  encroachments  on  their 
rights.  Deputies  were  often  chosen  at  their 
counsels  to  make  the  difficult  journey  and 
plead  their  case  before  parliament  and  beg  to 
be  relieved  of  the  old  grievance. 

It  is  interesting  to  quote  their  own  words 
when  declaring  their  views  on  this  matter  in 
one  of  their  pleas  despatched  to  the  English 
King.  It  is  in  the  quaint  manner  of  expres- 
sion as  used  by  one  of  the  New  England  col- 
onies, and  is  as  follows:  "There  is  more  likeli- 
hood that  such  as  are  acquainted  with  the  clime 
and  its  accidents  may  upon  better  grounds 
prescribe  our  advantages  than  such  as  shall 
sit  at  the  helm  in  England." 

This  plea  suits  the  case  of  Ireland  exactly, 
and  substantially  embodies  all  her  reasons  for 
asking  to  be  allowed  to  govern  herself. 

The  colony  of  Virginia  had  for  a  long  ^^ime 
resisted  the  royal  pretensions.  The  struggle 
was  continued  with  great  bitterness  for  many 
years.  Even  armed  rebellion  was  the  outcome 
of  long  continued  oppression,  and  the  impov- 
erished settlers  never  willingly  submitted  to 
the  authority  either  of  the  deputy  or  the  com- 
missioners sent  from  England  to  rule  them. 

But  the  mother  country  sustained  its  gover- 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  119 

nor  in  the  exercise  and  the  emoluments  of  his 
office  even  at  the  cost  of  much  bloodshed  and 
devastation. 

We  cannot  help  observing  that  the  old,  fav- 
orite method  of  tyrants  was  employed  there 
also  to  keep  down  the  aspirations  of  the  people 
for  progressive  institutions. 

To  restrict  the  education  of  the  people,  to 
keep  them  in  ignorance  was  the  state  policy  of 
the  mother  country,  as  we  know  from  official 
documents  of  that  period. 

Even  the  few  clergymen  in  the  colony  were 
considered  dangerous  because  they  ventured 
to  express  freely  their  opinions  of  the  greedy 
adventurers  who  came  over  under  royal  super- 
vision. 

In  1 761  William  Berkeley,  one  of  the  most 
arrogant  of  these  governors,  set  over  Virginia 
by  royal  patent,  wrote  to  a  fellow  adventurer 
of  his  own  class:  ''The  ministers  should  pray 
oftener  and  preach  less.  But,  I  thank  God, 
there  are  no  free  schools,  nor  printing,  and  I 
hope  we  shall  not  have,  these  hundred  years; 
for  learning  has  brought  disobedience,  and 
heresy,  and  libels  against  the  best  government. 
God  keep  us  from  both." 

In  1683  Charles  II.  instructed  Virginia's 
governor  not  to  allow  any  printing  press  in 
the  colony  on  any  pretense  whatever. 

The  same  rule  was  enforced  under  James  II. 

Massachusetts  had  a  similar  experience.  In 
1686,  when  Joseph  Dudley  was  sent  there  as 
governor  he  was    instructed    to    tolerate  no 


120  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

printing  press,  while  sustaining  authority  by 
force. 

The  old  British  idea  of  rule  for  Ireland  was 
the  same.  Much  would  be  gained,  it  was 
thought,  if  the  great  multitude  was  kept  in  ig- 
norance. To  hide  from  them  the  extent  of 
their  degradation  would  facilitate  the  arbitrary 
administration  of  government  such  as  prevail- 
ed at  the  time. 

From  the  first  introduction  of  British  do- 
minion in  Ireland  under  Henry  VIII.,  when 
that  profligate  monarch  pillaged  the  numerous 
religious  houses  of  education,  there  was  no 
pretense  of  providing  schools  for  the  common 
people  until  some  years  after  the  Union.  Not 
until  the  year  1840  was  that  feeble  attempt 
made  at  providing  general  education  such  as 
was  styled  the  national  system,  which  up  to  the 
present  day  has  proved  itself  illiberal  and  in- 
adequate to  the  wants  of  the  people. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

CAUSES  OF  DISSENSION  AMONG  IRISH   PATRIOTS. 

A  question  naturally  arises  here  which  de- 
serves a  place  in  the  records  of  Ireland's  per- 
sistent efforts  to  secure  her  liberty. 

To  what  causes  can  we  trace  so  many  fail- 
ures in  her  resistance  to  oppression?  Or, 
rather,  why  those  frequent  exhibitions  of  dis- 
sension in  the  nation's  councils  and  action? 
What  explains  the  latter  will  explain  all. 

It  may  be  said  by  some  that  those  dissen- 
sions may  be  traced  to  an  innate  fickleness,  or 
irritability,  or  quarrelsome  tendency  peculiar 
to  the  Irish  natural  temperament— called  by 
hostile  critics  an  inborn  perversity. 

Even  those  who  justly  admire  the  well 
known  virtues  and  genial  disposition  of  the 
Irish  race  often  find  apparent  grounds  for  tak- 
ing-  this  unfavorable  view  of  the  case.  How- 
ever,  in  order  to  be  fair  in  forming  a  judgment 
on  the  matter  the  condition  of  the  country  with 
the  various  conflicting  interests  of  its  popula- 
tion should  be  thoroughly  known.  This  ap- 
plies especially  tO'  the  most  noted  periods  of 
public  agitation.  When  the  circumstances  are 
duly  weighed  it  will  be  evident  that  whatever 
appears  fickle  or  turbulent  in  the  national  char- 
acter is  due  to  causes  from  outside,  and  was 


122  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  LM  '98 

the  result  of  long  continued  humiliations  and 
grievous  wrongs  inflicted  by  an  alien,  domin- 
ant race. 

There  were  two  principal  causes  or  fruitful 
sources  of  dissension,  and  both  were  forced  on 
the  country  by  the  foreign  government  with 
deliberate  and  selfish  purpose. 

One  of  these  elements  of  discord  consisted 
in  the  introduction  of  a  considerable  foreign 
population  during  the  periods  of  confiscation 
under  James  I.  and  Oliver  Cromwell,  as  well 
as  others  of  an  earlier  date. 

The  other  fertile  source  of  disunion  was 
found  in  the  introduction  of  a  new  religion 
which  the  native  Irish  refused  to  accept,  and 
the  aggravating  methods  employed  by  the 
English  government  to  force  that  religion  on 
the  nation.  We  will  consider  both  of  these 
separately. 

By  the  confiscation  of  the  Irish  land  and  the 
transferring  of  it  to  foreign  adventurers  the 
first  foundation  was  laid  for  disunion  among 
the  inhabitants. 

Those  new  owners  of  the  soil  proved  to  be 
a  greedy  horde  of  unscrupulous  strangers 
without  sympathy  for  the  rights  of  the  natives. 
They  came  by  right  of  conquest  and  by  royal 
authority.  They  came  as  intruders,  and  in 
the  eyes  of  the  original  proprietors  were  re- 
garded as  little  less  than  robbers.  There  were 
two  distinct  classes  of  newcomers.  One  class 
comprised  the  landlords,  who  as  favorites  of 
royalty  got  possession  of  those  valuable  estates 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  123- 

with  absolute  control  of  their  revenues.  The 
other  class  was  made  up  of  tenants  who  volun- 
teered to  engage  in  agriculture  with  the  ob- 
ligation of  paying  a  fixed  annual  rent  to  the 
new  proprietor. 

Neither  of  these  classes  of  adventurers  could 
be  expected  to  have  any  sympathy  with  the 
rightful  owners,  whom  they  came  to  supplant 
in  the  enjoyment  of  estates  endeared  to  the 
natives  by  ties  of  the  dearest  associations  and 
the  memories  of  a  long  ancestry. 

This  foreign  element  in  the  population 
reached  considerable  proportions  in  the  north- 
ern province  of  Ulster.  Here  the  plantations 
under  James  I  were  firmly  established  in  the 
most  fertile  sections.  In  other  parts  of  the 
island  new  additions  to  the  foreign  colonies 
were  settled  after  the  invasion  and  victories  of 
Cromwell. 

After  the  frightful  butcheries  of  this  fanatical 
conqueror  whole  districts  became  depopulated. 
He  assumed  the  role  of  a  second  Joshua  speci- 
ally commissioned  by  the  Lord  to  eradicate 
Avhat  he  called  the  idolatrous  inhabitants.  Be- 
lieving himself  the  instrument  of  Divine  wrath 
on  a  doomed  people,  he  entered  upon  the  work 
of  extermination  without  pretending  to  spare 
either  sex  or  age  more  than  the  Jewish  war- 
riors spared  the  Philistines. 

He  proved  himself  an  adept  in  discovering 
among  the  pages  of  Bible  history  certain  pas- 
sages that  seemed  to  justify  the  cruelties  of 
war.     But  such  horrors  as  he  perpetrated  on 


124  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

the  Irish  people  could  not  be  found  recorded 
among  the  achievements  of  any  conqueror  be- 
fore his  time,  and  must  have  originated  in  the 
depths  of  his  own  hypocritical  and  bloodthirsty 
soul. 

What  fire  and  sword  did  not  accomplish  in 
the  wholesale  carnage  wherever  he  set  his  foot 
the  horrors  of  banishment  completed,  so  that 
the  hated  race  might  be  got  rid  of.  By  his 
order  whole  shiploads  of  the  hapless  native 
Catholics  were  hastily  dispatched  to  the  Bar- 
badoes  and  other  islands  of  the  West  Indian 
group. 

During  the  five  years  of  this  dictator's  arbit- 
rary rule  even  the  English  people  themselves 
were  filled  with  alarm  for  their  liberties.  They 
looked  on  dumbfounded  at  his  audacity  and 
military  success,  reluctantly  submitting  for  the 
time  to  the  humiliations  brought  on  them  by 
the  fanatical  ambition  of  one  man,  persuaded 
that  the  season  of  delirium  would  blow  over 
and  the  nation  be  restored  to  rational  order. 

By  the  devastations  wrought  in  Ireland  by 
'Cromwell's  troops  new  territory  was  opened 
up  for  fresh  adventurers  from  England.  The 
vacant  estates  were  offered  by  the  conqueror 
as  valuable  prizes  to  his  countrymen  who  had 
proved  their  loyalty  either  by  favoring  his 
policy  at  home  or  by  faithful  military  service 
in  his  recent  campaigns. 

He  even  sent  across  the  Atlantic  a  message 
to  the  Puritan  colonists  who  had  settled  in 
Massachusetts  kindly  inviting  them  to  return 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  125 

and  occupy  the  beautiful  valleys  in  Ireland 
which  he  had  lately  subdued.  Those  hardy 
pioneers  on  the  American  coast  were  reported 
as  suffering  much  hardship  in  establishing  new 
homes  on  a  barren  soil  and  amidst  unreclaimed 
forests.  But  they  were  not  ready  to  admit 
their  enterprise  to  be  a  failure,  and  thankfully 
declined  the  sympathetic  offers  of  Cromwell. 

Others  were  found  among  his  English 
friends  at  home  numerous  enough  to  accept 
the  rich  lands  so  lavishly  bestowed  by  the  dic- 
tator. 

Of  course  it  was  from  the  ranks  of  the  Puri- 
tans he  selected  those  favorites  as  long  as  they 
could  be  found.  They  were  like  himself,  fan- 
atics in  their  religious  views,  if  not  equally 
unblushing  hypocrites.  Their  qualities  did  not 
make  them  an  improvement  on  the  earlier 
brood  of  settlers,  or  more  desirable  neighbors 
for  the  Catholic  peasantry. 

Among  them  there  was  no  pretence  to  con- 
ciliate the  old  race,  whom  they  regarded  as  the 
victims  of  divine  wrath,  and  now  helplessly  re- 
duced to  subjection  as  a  despised  remnant  of 
an  idolatrous  nation. 

To  drive  all  the  natives  from  the  country, 
even  were  it  possible,  did  not  appear  good 
policy,  for  the  new  proprietors  saw  no  advan- 
tage in  leaving  their  estates  uncultivated  where 
the  supply  of  foreign  tenants  became  insuffi- 
cient. For  their  own  interests,  therefore,  thvi 
landlords  allowed  the  dispossessed  natives  to 
remain  as  tenants  and  enjoy  the  doubtful  con- 


126  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

solation  of  tilling  the  soil,  even  with  the  bur- 
den of  dividing  the  products  of  their  labor  with 
strange  masters. 

With  infinite  patience  the  humble  peasantry 
resigned  themselves  to  their  hard  lot.  Genera- 
tion after  generation  they  paid  tribute  to  their 
foreign  and  hostile  landlords.  As  peaceful, 
law-abiding  husbandmen,  they  drew  from  the 
soil  the  heavy  rents  so  sternly  exacted;  and 
when  crops  failed  without  their  fault,  and  evic- 
tion followed  with  all  its  horrors,  they  said 
"good  bye"  to  the  old  homestead  of  their 
fathers  with  a  grief  which  only  those  of  their 
own  race  can  understand.  The  only  choice 
for  them  was  exile.  They  betook  themselves 
to  the  emigrant  ship  to  seek  a  welcome  where 
lordly  oppression  had  lost  its  power  forever, 
and  where  they  could  enjoy  the  fruits  of  their 
industry  secure  from  the  hands  of  a  rapacious 
and  idle  aristocracy. 

Well  meaning  observers  might  say:  ''Far 
better  would  it  have  been  for  the  Irish  people 
if  the  entire  race  had  fled  from  those  cruel  op- 
pressions, and  cast  their  lot  on  the  new  con- 
tinent across  the  Atlantic,  where  broad  and 
fertile  acres  awaited  the  industrious  colonist, 
and  where  no  penal  laws  interfered  with  the 
free  exercise  of  their  religion."  To  do  so,  how- 
ever, even  if  advantageous,  was  impracticable. 
Love  of  native  land  was  always  the  strongest 
passion  of  the  Irish  race.  To  separate  from  the 
home  of  their  fathers  was  regarded  by  them  as 
a  calamity  worse  than  death.     To  their  minds 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  127 

there  was  no  prize  in  any  foreign  land  to  com- 
pensate for  the  loss  of  their  own.  With  per- 
sistency they  clung  to  the  sacred  spot;  even 
accepting  the  humiliating  conditions  imposed 
by  the  new  masters,  finding  some  solace  in 
the  hope  that  a  just  Providence  would  in  His 
own  time  raise  up  a  liberator  and  restore  their 
ancient  Hberties. 

The  great  majority  of  the  population  still 
contmued  to  be  of  the  native  race  and  of  the 
Catholic  creed.  Although  powerful  in  num- 
bers they  were  politically  helpless.  They  were 
completely  at  the  mercy  of  the  foreign  prop- 
prietors  of  the  soil.  They  were  barely  toler- 
ated as  tenants  at  will,  in  constant  dread  of 
eviction,  as  the  caprice  of  the  landlord  or  his 
agent  might  dictate.  Their  relations  with  the 
landed  gentry  were  those  of  the  shark  dealing 
with  his  prey. 

The  character  of  the  men  who  represented 
British  authority  in  Ireland  had  all  the  gross- 
ness  of  the  long  past  feudal  times  when  the 
animal  instincts  held  sway  and  the  passion  of 
avarice  steeled  the  heart  against  the  cries  of 
justice.  The  average  landlord,  as  he  was 
known  in  Ireland,  was  a  libertine.  The 
enormous  revenues  which  he  drew  from  his  es- 
tates he  squandered  with  lavish  hand  in  his 
English  castle  or  on  the  continent.  Whenever 
he  condescended  to  visit  his  Irish  estates  he 
kept  aloof  from  the  tenants  as  if  his  bad  con- 
science made  him  dread  some  evil  from  the 
very  people  to  whom  he  owed  his  wealth. 


128  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

As  those  estates  came  into  his  hands  by 
royal  favor  and  by  schemes  of  a  questionable 
character  he  could  not  be  expected  to  display 
any  of  the  virtues  of  true  nobility.  His  origin 
was  often  of  the  humblest  character.  He 
seemed  to  live  only  for  the  pleasure  of  extrav- 
agance and  the  grosser  vices. 

Conviviality  would  be  a  feeble  name  for  his 
pastimes.  He  lived  up  to  his  revenues,  and 
as  the  estate  passed  from  father  to  son  it 
showed  no  improvement.  The  son  was  usually 
more  prodigal,  more  wasteful  and  reckless 
than  the  father.  The  estates  became  mort- 
gaged, and  as  each  succeeding  owner  sur- 
passed the  former  in  a  life  of  debauch  new 
debts  were  added  to  the  old,  until  the  whole 
property  became  bankrupt,  or  held  in  control 
of  the  courts  for  the  benefit  of  creditors.  Tliis 
was  the  general  conditioii  of  the  landlord  class, 
and  such  is  the  financial  condition  of  most  of 
the  Irish  estates  at  the  present  day. 

Another  part  of  the  new  foreign  element 
in  Ireland's  population  comprised  a  numerous 
body  of  government  officials,  such  as  judges, 
sheriffs,  revenue  officers,  and  such  subsidized 
favorites  of  the  civil  administration  attracted 
by  the  comfortable  salaries  and  other  emolu- 
ments which  they  contrived  to  extract  from 
the  country's  revenues. 

This  class  all  owing  its  advancement  to  the 
favor  of  government  found  its  interests  iden- 
tical with  those  of  royalty.  To  keep  the  native 
peasantry  in  a  state  of  helpless  subjection  and 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  129 

without  a  voice  in  legislation  of  any  kind  was 
their  determined  policy. 

As  the  courts  of  law  were  constituted  and 
maintained  for  those  long  centuries  of  foreign 
control  a  citizen  of  the  native  peasant  class 
could  not  hope  for  just  consideration  in  any 
legal  dispute. 

An  appeal  to  the  law  was  easy  enough.  The 
legal  fraternity  was  on  hand  at  every  turn. 
The  pomp,  and  circumstance,  and  ceremonv  of 
the  bench  was  ready  in  abundance.  But  what 
a  court!  What  a  mockery  of  justice!  Judge, 
jury,  sheriff,  clerk,  liveried  employees,  even 
to  the  jailer  and  hangman,  were  all  one  with 
the  omnipresent  landed  gentry,  who  might 
violate  any  law  in  dealing  with  the  impover- 
ished and  hated  native.  Woe  to  the  tenant 
who  would  have  the  audacity  to  enter  litigation 
with  his  landlord! 

Why  enumerate  the  severities  practised  for 
several  generations  on  this  crushed  people — 
the  packed  juries,  the  atrocities  of  petty  tyrants 
in  the  shape  of  village  magistrates,  the  fer- 
ocious passions  of  irresponsible  jailers? 

Opportunities  for  education  were  purposelv 
denied  to  the  peasantry.  This  was  one  of  the 
heaviest  grievances,  and  was  felt  most  keenlv 
by  a  people  gifted  with  intelligence  of  a  high 
order  and  passionately  fond  of  learning.  Tlie 
list  of  wrongs  presented  in  the  records  of  those 
times  might  be  extended  to  the  point  of  weari- 
ness. 


130  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

In  Other  countries  and  in  our  own  times, 
when  courtesy  and  kindness  is  universally  ob- 
served between  all  classes  it  is  difficult  to  con- 
ceive the  arrogant  manners  of  the  so-called 
gentry  of  Ireland  towards  the  native  peasantry. 

Persons  now  living  can  go  back  in  memor)' 
over  a  period  of  fifty  years  and  vividly  recall 
that  haughty  bearing  and  open  contempt  dis- 
played by  the  dominant  aristocracy  for  the 
humiliated  race. 

Even  the  tender  youth  on  either  side  were 
primed  with  that  bitter  spirt  of  strife  which 
they  witnessed  in  the  conduct  of  their  elders. 
Wordy  encounters  were  common  in  the  streets 
as  the  well  fed  child  of  the  aristocrat  jeered  at 
the  native  peasant  school  fellow  and  taunted 
him  with  his  lowly  condition. 

Thus  harassed  in  his  adversities  through 
several  generations,  the  Irish  peasant  was 
liable  to  become  irritable  and  suspicious  in  the 
course  of  an  ordeal  that  no  temperament,  how- 
ever genial,  could  sustain. 

It  would  have  been  a  miracle  if  a  people  so 
long  and  so  grievously  subjected  to  wrong  and 
to  insult  should  show  no  sign  of  impatience. 

Their  prolonged  state  of  discontent  aggrav- 
ated by  inability  to  discuss  openly  their  ordi- 
nary rights  gave  rise  to  the  various  secret  so- 
cieties which  were  formed  in  the  country  from 
time  to  time. 

Nor  is  it  difficult  to  explain  the  occasional 
outbursts  of  passion  and  violence  which  the 
historian  of  those  troubled  times  has  to  record. 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  "'JS  131 

Those  who  know  the  nature  of  the  provoca- 
tion in  such  cases  will  admit  that  patience  was 
tried  beyond  the  limit  of  human  endurance,  as 
it  is  understood  in  the  most  civilized  and  law- 
abiding  communities. 

It  was  through  the  influence  of  their  religion 
alone,  which  taught  patience  in  adversity  and 
to  return  good  for  evil  that  they  were  able  to 
submit  to  wrong  for  so  many  generations,  and 
to  bear  their  well-earned  character  of  indus- 
trious and  peaceable  citizens. 

From  the  foregoing  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
population  of  Ireland  during  the  long  period 
under  review  formed  two  hostile  camps.  To 
speak  of  an  Irish  question,  or  Irish  agitation, 
was  misleading.  The  expression  was  equiv- 
ocal. There  was  the  Ireland  of  the  ancient 
race,  and  the  Ireland  of  the  foreign  minority, 
owning  the  soil  and  constituting  the  civil 
power.  The  one  was  content  with  the  existing 
conditions  and  the  administration;  the  other 
yearned  for  a  change  that  w^ould  relieve  them 
from  grievances  next  to  intolerable. 

What  w^ere  called  national  movements  for 
securing  independent  legislation  were  thwart- 
ed by  a  powerful  faction  not  in  reality  a  part 
of  the  Irish  nation,  but  devoted  to  the  private 
interests  of  an  alien  minority.  Tlie  conditions 
still  remain  the  same.  The  old  difficulty  of 
disunion  is  explained,  and  presents  a  problem 
that  is  not  yet  solved. 

The  other  baneful  source  of  discord  planted 
in  the  countrv  bv  British  force  was  the  Pro- 


132  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08 

testant  creed.  If  no  other  object  was  intended 
but  to  excite  animosity  between  neighboring 
races  and  perpetuate  strife  in  a  peaceful  com- 
munity this  was  the  most  efficient  for  that  pur- 
pose that  could  be  devised. 

To  force  upon  the  people  of  Ireland  a  creed 
which  they  detested  was,  indeed,  capping  the 
climax  of  wrongs  inflicted  on  them.  It  was 
sowing  the  seed  of  a  bitter  strife  between  the 
authority  that  assumed  the  task  and  the  resist- 
ing people  who  repelled  such  wanton  abuse  on 
the  part  of  the  civil  government. 

We  must  bear  in  mind  what  this  new  at- 
tempt implied,  as  it  was  understood  by  the 
Irish  people.  It  implied  an  outrage  on  their 
liberties,  on  their  feelings,  and  on  their  intelli- 
gence. It  was  bad  enough  to  deprive  them  of 
their  civil  rights  by  taking  away  all  voice  in 
their  country's  legislation.  It  was  bad  enough 
to  have  robbed  them  of  their  soil  by  various 
confiscations,  but  to  try  to  invade  their  rights 
to  mental  freedom,  their  right  to  free  delibera- 
tion and  forming  opinion  on  matters  purely 
religious,  was  regarded  as  an  impertinence  to 
be  resisted  to  the  bitter  end — even  at  the  cost 
of  life. 

The  continued  refusal  on  the  part  of  the 
people  to  accept  the  new  religion  answered 
the  purposes  of  the  government  admirably. 
For  rapacity  found  a  pretext  for  new  confisca- 
tions, while  fines  and  forfeitures  supplied  addi- 
tional revenues  for  the  royal  coffers.  It  suited 
equally  a  multitude  of  unscrupulous  adventur- 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 


133 


ers  looking  for  plunder  in  the  conquered  prov- 
nices.  A  large  class  whose  loA'alty  was  always 
pliant  and  those  greedy  for  land  were  ready 
to_  accept  the  rich  prizes  which  the  recusant 
Irish  forfeited  to  the  crown.  Those  of  no  par- 
ticular mental  convictions  or  conscientious 
scruples  could  put  on  the  air  of  zeal  for  the 
King's  prerogative,  and  with  artful  hypocrisv 
denounce  the  victims  of  the  penal  laws,  always 
sure  of  ample  reward  for  their  services. 

It  would  have  been  an  easy  matter  to  yield 
to  force,  to  obey  the  arbitrary  command  with- 
out inquiring  into  the  motive,  or  questioning 
the  right  of  the  ruler  in  the  case.  To  accept 
the  new  creed,  to  profess  in  a  brief  sentence 
the  loyalty  that  was  exacted  would  be  reward- 
ed by  secure  possession  of  property  and  home, 
by  advancement  in  a  useful  profession  and 
luxurious  ease.  A  mere  equivocation,  a  set 
form  of  words,  with  indistinct,  or  doubtful 
meaning,  would  have  pleased  the  inquisitorial 
court.  But  the  Irish  Catholic  subject  had 
higher  aspirations  than  those  of  mere  sordid 
gain  that  might  be  secured  by  betraying  truth, 
or  co-operating  in  wanton  injustice. 

It  was  one  of  the  most  tremendous  experi- 
ments of  physical  force  in  conflict  with  moral 
resistance.  The  ordeal  was  dreadful  for  the 
whole  Catholic  population  defending  the  right 
of  conscience. 

As  an  immovable  rock  in  the  midst  of  the 
ocean  stands  firm  after  repeated  storms  and 
the  fury  of  raging  billows  dashing  against  it,  so 


134  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

did  the  Irish  people  stand  unflinching  in  their 
faith,  resisting-  for  centuries  the  furious  as- 
saults of  heresy,  and  defying  the  wanton  claims 
of  human  power  over  the  rights  of  conscience 
and  the  independent  exercise  of  deliberate 
reason. 

They  conquered  at  last;  but  their  victory 
was  one  of  the  intellectual  order;  and  they  de- 
serve the  laurels  due  to  true  heroes  in  the  cause 
of  mental  freedom  for  all  future  time.  In  the 
course  of  the  tedious  battle  the  disasters  insep- 
arable from  such  determined  resistance  were 
serious,  and  their  material  losses  and  griev- 
ances will  long  continue  unrepaired. 

The  Irish  Catholic  people  marshalled  their 
ranks  on  the  side  of  humanity  and  liberty. 
Their  claim  was  that  civil  power  has  its  proper 
limits — that  there  are  eternal  principles  which 
no  earthly  monarch  can  alter — that  the  civil 
power,  whether  in  the  hands  of  royalty  or  other 
magistrate,  however  titled,  cannot  constrain 
the  subject  in  the  exercise  of  his  mental  facul- 
ties, especially  in  convictions  on  his  future  and 
eternal  destiny.  It  was  a  stern  defiance.  The 
battle  was  waged  by  the  recusant  subject  with 
fearful  odds  against  him,  and  the  whole  world 
looked  on  with  eager  interest. 

Contemporary  peoples,  long  crushed  under 
similar  despotic  claims  of  the  civil  power,  held 
their  breath  in  astonishment  at  this  unheard 
of  defiance  of  royal  abuses,  and  awaited  an- 
xiously the  victory  so  full  of  significance  to  all 
others  oppressed  for  conscience  sake. 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  135 

The  exercise  of  arbitrar}^  authority  in  what- 
ever hands  and  on  whatever  pretext,  saw  its 
doom  not  far  off.  The  old  stronghold  of  ir- 
responsible despots  claiming  unquestioning 
obedience  met  an  assault  designed  to  shatter 
it  from  its  foundations. 

Who  does  not  see  here  a  contest  of  the 
greatest  import  to  all  mankind?  Ireland  was 
ready  to  reject  the  abstract  claim  to  encroach 
on  her  intellectual  freedom  with  a  promptness 
and  energy  that  would  be  unmistakable;  but 
its  abhorrence  for  this  particular  invasion  of 
human  rights  in  its  concrete  form  was  greater 
as  the  motives  of  government  were  base  and 
disreputable. 

The  intense  abhorrence  entertained  by  the 
Irish  people  for  this  outrage  offered  them,  and 
the  length  of  time  in  which  the  hated  policy  of 
the  government  continued  will  explain  the 
disasters  that  necessarily  followed. 

The  new  religion  meant  the  submission  of 
the  mind  to  opinions  formed  by  a  voluptuous 
monarch  who  aspired  to  the  role  of  a  head  of 
the  church — nothing  less  than  a  sort  of  pope, 
to  regulate  what  his  subjects  must  believe. 

This  claim  of  the  British  government  was 
kept  up  and  enforced  by  every  artifice  that  a 
despotic  power  or  the  depraved  ingenuity  of 
man  could  devise  during  the  long  period  of 
three  hundred  years.  It  arose  with  the  quarrel 
of  Henry  VIII.  with  the  pope  in  1527,  and  was 
not  laid  to  rest  until  the  abolition  of  the  penal 
laws  in  1829  through  the  agitation  of  the  great 
O'Connell.  .    ,    .    ^       ^ 


136  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

Fifteen  different  monarchs  occupied  the 
British  throne  during  that  period,  and,  if  we 
except  Mary's  short  reign  of  five  years,  tliere 
was  no  abatement  in  the  odious  warfare 
against  the  ancient  rehgion  of  the  Irish  nation. 
As  the  different  monarchs  succeeded  each 
other  on  the  EngUsh  throne  the  administration 
in  Ireland  differed  only  in  the  degree  of  sever- 
ity with  which  those  infamous  laws  were  put 
in  force. 

The  pretext  alleged  by  the  government  for 
introducing  the  new  doctrine  and  enforcing  its 
acceptance  under  such  severe  penalties  was  to 
secure  the  loyalty  of  the  subject. 

If  the  Irish  people  could  be  led  to  believe 
that  this  was  the  real  motive  they  would  be 
open  to  argument  and  would  listen  with  some 
degree  of  respect  to  the  demands  of  royalty. 
But  they  knew  it  was  only  a  pretext.  It  w^as 
enough  for  them  to  know  the  origin  of  the  new 
creed.  No  plausible  words  could  hide  from 
them  the  plain  fact  that  it  had  its  birth  in  the 
depraved  passions  of  Henry.  The  people  re- 
fused to  sanction  Henry's  domestic  vicious 
career.  Henry  resolved  on  revenge,  and  de- 
termined to  get  rid  of  an  authority  that  inter- 
fered with  his  enjoyments. 

There  is  one  characteristic  of  the  Irish  peo- 
ple that  most  historians  overlook.  It  is  this. 
They  can  tolerate  other  human  passions  with 
a  degree  of  patience,  but  they  have  an  insuper- 
able abhorrence  of  that  which  made  Henry 
put  away  his  lawful  wife  and  led  him  to  become 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  137 

a  shameless  brute.  Whatever  may  be  the  ex- 
planation of  this  trait  in  their  character,  they 
regarded  this  form  of  vice  among  those  most 
deserving  of  contempt. 

What  wonder,  therefore,  if  a  religion  com- 
ing from  Henry  would  be  eyed  with  suspicion 
by  such  a  people?  It  was  too  plain  to  them 
that  he  was  playing  tbe  part  of  the  depraved 
boy  who  wanted  to  free  himself  from  the  auth- 
ority of  his  good  father  in  order  to  pursue  his 
vicious  course  without  restraint. 

Besides  the  passion  of  lust  at  the  bottom  of 
the  new  religion,  there  was  another  which 
showed  itself  plainly  from  the  very  beginning. 

It  was  that  of  disordered  ambition  and 
wounded  pride,  which  saw  a  boundless  field  for 
its  gratification  in  the  overthrow  of  the  pope's 
spiritual  authority.  Both  of  these  passions  be- 
trayed themselves  at  once  in  the  so-called  re- 
former of  Germany,  from  whom  Henry  got  his 
new  religious  views. 

But  still  further  a  third  passion  cropped  up 
in  Henry's  new  schemes.  It  was  that  of  av- 
arice. Once  the  profligate  monarch  gave  him- 
self up  to  the  basest  form  of  vice  it  was  easy  to 
foresee  that  other  extremes  would  soon  be 
adopted.  His  extravagance  led  to  new  de- 
mands for  means  to  fill  his  depleted  treasury. 
He  looked  about  him'  for  available  sources  of 
revenue.  Why  spare  the  rich  monasteries  and 
the  incomes  of  the  old  church,  whose  bishops 
refused  to  accept  him  as  a  new  pope?  His 
mind  was  made  up.  Two  of  his  unholy  pas- 
sions would  be  gratified  by  the  same  stroke. 


138  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  'OS' 

He  had  no  difficulty  in  finding  among  mem- 
bers of  his  court,  in  the  officers  of  the  army,  and 
the  government  officials  men  of  his  own  mind. 
They  were  ready  as  pliant  tools  to  carry  out 
his  vast  schemes  of  plunder  in  the  numerous 
religious  houses  throughout  the  kingdom. 

For  the  sake  of  appearances  there  were  offi- 
cial inquiries  made  into  the  condition  of  the 
various  communities — whether  the  monks 
were  strict  observers  of  their  monastic  rules. 
It  was  plainly  for  the  interests  of  the  King  and 
of  his  deputies  in  carrying  out  these  projects 
to  discover  and  report  abuses  among  the  in- 
mates. 

The  reports  were,  of  course,  unfavorable, 
just  as  the  King  had  desired.  Wholesale  pil- 
lage of  these  homes  of  lax  livers  was  at  once 
commenced. 

Before  the  eyes  of  the  public  the  project  was 
represented  as  a  work  of  zeal,  intended  for  the 
real  good  of  the  monks;  an  efficient  way  of 
correcting  their  frailties.  For,  even  if  they 
were  driven  out  of  their  homes  and  robbed  of 
their  livings,  it  was  eminently  necessary  for  the 
edification  of  the  Kingdom. 

To  avoid  giving  too  much  of  a  shock  to  the 
feelings  of  the  people  the  smaller  monasteries 
only  were  seized  in  the  beginning.  Gradually 
the  larger  prizes  fell  victims  to  the  rapacity  of 
the  King's  agents,  who  were  amply  rewarded 
with  a  portion  of  the-  spoils  bestowed  on 
them  by  their  master  for  their  zeal  in  his  ser- 
vice. 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  L\  '98  139 

The  enormous  income  secured  from  this  pil- 
lage of  the  numerous  religious  houses  in  Eng- 
land was  enough  to  meet  Henry's  most  ex- 
travagant demands.  But  why  should  he  stop 
there  once  the  profitable  enterprise  was  set 
on  foot  Why  not  make  Ireland  yield  up  her 
share  in  the  great  reformation  of  monastic 
morals? 

As  the  bishops  and  abbots  refused  to  ac- 
knowledge his  supremacy  in  the  church,  he 
took  revenge  by  issuing  a  decree  for  their 
deposition  from  office  and  the  seizure  of  their 
revenues. 

In  May,  1541,  by  Henry's  instructions,  a 
parliament  was  summoned  in  Dublin  under 
the  Viceroy,  Lord  Grey.  The  object  was  to 
carry  out  the  King's  new  policy,  and  force  the 
whole  Irish  people  to  acknowjedge  his  sup- 
remacy in  ecclesiastical  affairs,  as  well  as  to 
decide  his  claim  to  the  title  of  King  over  the 
island. 

This  parliament  was  not  representative  of 
the  Irish  nation,  as  many  of  the  most  powerful 
Irish  chiefs  took  no  part  in  it.  Its  members 
were  old  dependents  and  agents  of  the  crown, 
mostly  residents  of  the  Pale,  and  selected  un- 
der the  Viceroy's  supervision  on  account'  of 
their  w^ll-known  sympathy  with  England's  in- 
terests. However,  they  did  as  their  royal  mas- 
ter desired.  By  a  so-called  parliamentarv  de- 
cree Henry  was  declared  King  of  Ireland  and 
head  of  the  church. 

The  Irish  bishops  rejected  with  scorn  the 


140  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

novel  pretensions  of  the  licentious  King.  All 
the  consequences  followed  jiist  as  had  lately 
occurred  in  England.  The  Irish  dioceses  were 
placed  in  the  hands  of  men  of  pliant  con- 
science, whose  ambition  was  more  for  filthy 
lucre  than  the  purity  of  truth. 

Among  the  Irish  ecclesiastics  there  were 
found  a  few  who  became  apostates  during  the 
trying  ordeal,  purchasing  the  temporary  dig- 
nities offered  at  the  price  of  their  eternal  in- 
terests. The  property  of  the  religious  orders 
that  had  been  established  for  generations  in 
every  section  of  the  country  was  seized  by 
royal  order,  while  the  monks  and  other  clergy 
were  expelled,  many  put  to  death  by  the  mili- 
tary sent  to  evict  them,  or  forced  to  fly  for  shel- 
ter to  the  continent. 

Here  was  the  beginning  of  that  huge  rob- 
bery under  the  name  of  religion  committed  in 
Ireland  by  order  of  British  monarchs. 

A  motley  crowd  of  fortune  hunters  from 
England  were  ready  for  the  spoils.  Hypocrites 
abounded  in  these  days.  A  door  was  opened 
to  human  depravity,  which  is  never  wanting 
when  encouraged  by  opportunities.  As  the 
King  himself  defied  the  plainest  laws  of  mor- 
ality no  wonder  if  common  subjects  equally 
imscrupulous  were  eager  to  grasp  at  stolen 
prizes  ofYered  for  apostacy.  What  a  prince 
can  do  with  unblushing  dissimulation  will 
cease  to  appear  shameful  in  the  eyes  of  pliant 
subjects  under  the  influence  of  avarice. 

A  selection  of  such  hirelings  were  planted 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  141 

by  Henry  as  his  own  bishops  to  take  charge  of 
the  old  faithful  dioceses  of  Ireland,  while  other 
adaventurers  from  across  the  channel  were  re- 
warded for  their  loyalty  with  the  rich  estates 
confiscated  from  the  monasteries. 

After  Henry's  death  the  spoliation  went  on 
with  increased  vigor  under  the  boy  king,  Ed- 
ward VI.  and  Elizabeth. 

Soon  after  the  latter  ascended  the  throne  a 
packed  parliament  was  convened  in  England 
for  the  purpose  of  declaring  the  Protestant  re- 
ligion established  in  the  Kingdom. 

In  this  was  enacted  the  famous  law  requiring 
all  seeking  to  enter  any  civil  or  ecclesiastical 
office  to  take  the  test  oath,  which  was  as  fol- 
lows: "I.  N.  N.  do  hereby  testify  and  declare, 
in  my  conscience,  that  the  Queen's  highness 
is  the  only  supreme  governor  of  this  realm,  as 
well  in  spiritual  and  ecclesiastical  things  and 
causes  as  in  temporal." 

In  Ireland,  especially,  this  test  was  rigor- 
ously put  in  force. 

A  foreign  clergy  was  imposed  upon  the 
country  with  the  object  of  converting  the  in- 
habitants to  the  new  faith  as  by  English  law 
established.  In  every  part  of  the  countr^^  the 
people  saw  planted  in  their  midst  those  strange 
intruders  with  the  titles  of  bishop  or  minister 
richly  subsidized  with  the  spoils  of  the  ancient 
church. 

To  the  Irish  people  this  body  of  pampered 
ecclesiastics  were  as  far  from  edifying  as  could 
be  imagined.    As  representing  the  Church  of 


142      .  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

Christ  it  was  a  broad  satire — a  joke  to  make 
the  peasantry  spHt  their  sides  with  laughter,  if 
the  humorous  view  of  the  case  was  not  over- 
shadowed by  the  feeHng  of  disgust  which  they 
had  for  the  would-be  preachers. 

They  had  read  enough  of  Scripture  to  know 
that  a  genuine  minister  of  Christ  must  give 
proof  of  some  self-denial  in  his  own  life  such 
as  the  divine  Master  inculcates.  The  new  pas- 
tors sent  over  by  Henry  and  Elizabeth  had  no 
such  qualities  to  recommend  them.  These 
sleek  ministers  backed  up  by  royal  authority, 
enjoying  princely  salaries,  housed  in  elegant 
mansions,  with  the  choicest  glebe  lands  as  an 
extra  perquisite,  x:onsoled  by  charming  wives 
and  a  numerous  offspring,  displaying  a  taste 
for  luxury  as  if  it  were  a  necessary  part  of  their 
profession,  and  with  arrogance  of  manner 
whenever  they  ventured  to  appear  in  public, 
were  hardly  the  sort  of  men  to  gain  the  respect 
or  the  confidence  of  the  native  Irish.  The  con- 
trast was  too  great  between  their  sumptuous 
style  of  living  and  the  simple  religious  life  of 
the  monks  and  other  clergy  who  had  been  ban- 
ished or  put  to  death  to  make  room  for  them. 
Even  the  simplest  peasant  could  not  be  blind- 
folded in  this.  If  the  objection  to  the  monks 
consisted  in  the'  extent  of  their  wealth,  or  in 
carelessness  regarding  the  monastic  rule, 
there  was  no  sign  of  improvement  in  those  sent 
to  take  their  place.  The  Church  of  England 
bishop  or  parson  w^as  notoriously  and  every- 
where a  man  devoted  to  his  own  personal  com- 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08  I43 

fort,  insatiable  in  collecting  his  tithes,  and 
showmg  a  haughty  contempt  for  the  poor  with 
no  apparent  object  in  life  except  to  feast  sump- 
tuously every  day. 

Such  a  church  organization  was  to  all  the 
Irish  people  a  glaring  imposture  and  was  re- 
garded with  supreme  contempt.  It  meant  to 
them  a  two-fold  burden,  which  they  were 
bound  to  resist  with  eternal  hatred.  It  repre- 
sented the  foreign  civil  power  which  robbed 
them  of  their  lands  and  their  liberties.  At  the 
same  time  ,pretending  to  be  a  church  aiming 
at  a  reform  of  their  ancient  faith,  it  represented 
a  huge  and  shameless  lie  under  the  sancti- 
monious mask  of  religion. 

It  was  supported  by  the  civil  power  in  order 
to  devour  the  country's  vitals,  and  to  be  the 
instrument  in  turn  of  perpetuating  that  power 
in  enslaving  the  nation. 

To  witness  a  colony  of  parsons  enjoying  the 
stolen  goods  of  the  people  while  pretending  a 
mission  to  reform  that  people's  faith— that  was 
the  chmax  of  effrontery.  A  child  could  see 
that  It  was  the  estates  and  revenues  they  were 
after.  -^ 

What  language  could  describe  the  disasters 
brought  upon  Ireland  bv  this  new  colony  of 
hypocrites  and  the  harassing  measures  used  to 
impose  on  the  people  the  new  creed ! 

For  three  hundred  years  a  barbarous  code  of 
penal  laws  were  put  in  force  against  all  who 
refused  to  accept  it.  Confiscation  of  estates 
for  such  refusal  was  one  of  the  most  ordinarv 
inflictions. 


144  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

Imprisonment  and  heavy  fines  for  attending 
Catholic  worship  continued  a  steady  source  of 
exasperation  to  the  great  body  of  the  inhabi- 
tants. The  CathoHc  nobiUty  were  one  by  one 
stripped  of  their  possessions,  and  either  forced 
into  exile  or  to  remain  in  a  state  of  destitution. 

The  reign  of  Elizabeth  presents  the  most 
complete  picture  of  the  extreme  severity  em- 
ployed by  the  civil  power  in  Ireland  to  compel 
the  people  to  obedience  in  spiritual  matters. 
The  horrors  of  brutal  force  used  against 
freedom  of  conscience  drew  the  attention  of 
the  civilized  world. 

Elizabeth's  chief  hobby  seems  to  have  been 
that  all  should  acknowledge  her  as  the  head 
of  the  church.  To'  deny  her  that  prerogative 
was  taken  as  the  most  serious  insult  that  could 
be  ofifered.  Her  wounded  ambition  must  be 
vindicated  at  all  hazards.  She  could  never  re- 
lent in  her  fixed  determination  to  visit  the 
recusants  with  the  heaviest  penalties. 

Other  monarchs  who  meddled  in  the  re- 
ligious question  were  as  cruel  as  she  proved 
herself  to  be,  but  her  name  is  associated  more 
prominently  with  those  Irish  atrocities  for 
which  she  was  willingly  responsible.  The  great 
length  of  her  reign, too,  gave  her  full  oppor- 
tunity for  the  display  of  her  character  in  its 
true  colors.  Her  iron  rule  lasted  forty-four 
years;  and  during  that  long  period  the  fierce 
struggle  was  kept  up  in  Ireland,  and  the  de- 
vastation of  the  country  went  on,  accompanied 
by  barbarities  of  the  grossest  kind  committed 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  145 

by  her  troops  to  force  her  religious  views  on 
an  unwilling  people. 

Some  historians  disliked  to  call  her  measures 
cruel.  Even  our  own  usually  fairminded  Ban- 
croft, when  referring  to  her  policy  at  that 
period,  uses  the  word  ''firmness,"  while  he 
uses  the  word  "bigoted"  in  reference  to  Phihp 
King  of  Spain,  although  the  measures  em- 
ployed by  the  Spanish  ruler*  were  the  same  as 
those  adopted  by  Elizabeth,  and  both  on  pre- 
tence of  religion.  The  impartial  observer  will 
pronounce  such  measures  as  cruel  and  heart- 
less, whether  perpetrated  by  Elizabeth  or 
Philip  of  Spain,  and  equally  deserving  the  rep- 
robation of  every  civilized  people. 

To  give  one  instance  out  of  a  thousand: 
When  the  Catholic  Archbishop  O'Hurley  was 
tortured  in  Dublin  in  the  year  1583  with  the 
sanction  of  the  Queen  for  the  so-called  crime 
of  denying  her  spiritual  supremacy  his  execu- 
tioners placed  his  feet  in  tin  boots  filled  with 
oil,  under  which  a  fire  was  kindled  as  a  means 
of  causing  intense  agony,  we  hardly  think  the 
sufferer  would  believe  the  word  "firmness"  the 
right  expression  to  designate  a  certain  quality 
in  Elizabeth's  character. 

For  similar  reasons,  no  doubt,  certain  his- 
torians would  explain  in  mild  language  the 
conduct  of  Oliver  Cromwell  at  Drogheda 
when  he  burned  several  hundred  persons,  in- 
cluding women  and  children,  in  the  church 
where  they  took  refuge  from  his  fury. 


146  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  'OS 

Elizabeth's  reign  was  also  noted  in  Ireland 
as  the  period  of  the  "priest-hunter."  The  class 
of  spy  known  in  Ireland  under  this  title  was 
created  and  fostered  in  the  enforcement  of  the 
penal  laws.  To  understand  his  peculiar  calling 
we  need  only  be  reminded  that  the  hardest  of 
these  laws  were  directed  against  the  Catholic 
clergy.  As  they  rejected  with  scorn  the 
Queen's  blasphemous  claim  they  were  ordered 
to  leave  the  Kingdom  under  pain  of  death.  A 
similar  punishment  was  decreed  for  any  one 
harboring  a  priest  or  bishop.  This  law  was 
carried  out  with  the  utmost  rigour.  The  clergy, 
whether  monks  or  secular  priests,  were  liter- 
ally pursued  with  fire  and  sword.  The  military 
sent  to  complete  their  extermination,  gK>t  full 
license  to  employ  a  variety  of  tortures  as  they 
rnight  see  fit  in  dealing  with  their  victims.  Most 
of  them  fled  to  the  continent,  while  many  hun- 
dreds were  put  to  death.  Out  of  one  thousand 
Dominican  monks  residing  in  their  convents 
in  Ireland  at  the  time  of  Henry's  apostacy 
there  were  only  four  left  at  Elizabeth's  death. 
The  Franciscans  fared  in  the  same  manner. 

In  the  midst  of  this  desolation  and  in  the 
face  of  the  greatest  perils  there  were  always 
some  zealous  priests  to  remain  in  the  country 
under  various  disguises  secretly  visiting  their 
faithful  flocks  in  order  to  administer  whatever 
consolations  their  religion  could  give  under 
the  circumstances. 

That  the  penal  law  against  them  might  have 
its  effect,  a  high  price  was  offered  by  public 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  147 

authority  as  a  reward  for  the  discovery  of  any 
such  ecclesiastic  in  the  country.  Here  was 
the  field  for  the  informer  known  in  the  lan- 
guage of  the  period  as  the  "priest  hunter." 
They  were  a  vile  class  of  men,  and  their  num- 
ber grew  to  be  formidable,  while  exceedingly 
zealous  for  the  Queen's  dignity.  A  reign  of 
terror  prevailed  in  every  corner  of  the  island. 
Neither  the  obscure  peasant's  cottage  nor  the 
natural  caves  in  the  unfrequented  moun- 
tainous regions  was  a  safe  retreat  from  these 
prowling  demons  in  human  shape.  The  scaf- 
fold was  erected  at  every  military  post.  The 
blood  of  the  innocent  was  poured  out  day  after 
day.  Native  Irish  of  the  highest  rank  as  well 
as  the  quiet  peasantr}^  were  dragged  to  death 
for  the  so-called  "treason"  of  openly  professing 
their  faith. 

To  pass  through  an  ordeal  of  this  kind  that 
was  prolonged,  with  very  brief  intervals  of 
moderation,  through  fifteen  successive  reigns, 
was  enough  to  demoralize  any  people.  Joined, 
to  the  horrors  of  persecution  for  conscience' 
sake  in  the  form  of  physical  inflictions,  deci- 
mation of  families  by  execution,  banishment, 
confiscation  of  property,  the  inhabitants  were 
in  a  constant  turmoil  of  controversy,  bitter  re- 
proaches and  irritating  recriminations,  as  be- 
tween the  favored  alien  settler  and  the  crushed 
and  conquered  natives. 

If  discontent  is  justly  deemed  the  source  of 
revolutions,  here  was  a  perpetual  nursery  of 
sullen  plots  and  agitation  with  a  vengeance. 


148  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

Generations  growing  up  amidst  such  in- 
fluences will  necessarily  acquire  an  irritable 
temperament,  mutual  suspicions  will  become 
habitual,  while  a  certain  harshness  will  mingle 
with  the  most  amiable  disposition.. 

A  thorough  knowledge  of  the  relations  be- 
tween the  classes  in  Ireland  will  give  the  reas- 
ons of  the  tendency  to  disunion  whenever 
popular  attempts  were  made  to  remedy  the 
nation's  wrongs. 

Whatever  degree  of  impatience  we  are 
forced  to  witness  in  the  character  of  the  people 
can  be  traced  to  the  same  source — a  long-con- 
tinued brutal  oppression  borne  with  sullen  de- 
fiance and  undying  resolve  for  revenge. 

That  brutal  force  has  vanquished  the  weaker 
side,  and  enjoyed  its  victory  for  a  long  season 
will  be  the  judgment  of  a  superficial  world. 
Unscrupulous  arrogance  and  perfidy  triumphs 
over  justice  and  humanity. 

But  the  Irish  people  in  the  midst  of  their  de- 
feat and  humiliation  represent  another  kind  of 
victory  in  the  cause  of  fidelity  and  the  emanci- 
pation of  the  human  mind.  The  power  and 
the  victory  they  represent  is  that  of  the  soul — 
a  power — a  force  that  can  prove  itself  invinc- 
ible against  the  most  formidable  armies  in  its 
aspirations  for  truth  and  independence. 

Reflecting  philanthropists  of  our  times  can 
look  back  and  discover  in  their  unflinching 
adhesion  to  truth  and  their  resolve  to  abolish 
all  wanton  claims  of  the  civil  ruler,  under  what- 
ever form  of  dictatorship,  a  priceless  victory 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  LN  '98  149 

for  liberty  to  be  secured  in  future  times  and  in 
every  nation. 

During  the  very  period  under  considera- 
tion here  another  people  on  the  great  Ameri- 
can continent  were  engaged  in  a  similar  con- 
flict, refusing  to  obey  the  unwarranted  man- 
dates of  pampered  royalty  on  the  British 
throne. 

The  spirit  that  animated  both  was  the  same. 
Human  liberty  was  approaching  its  full  de- 
velopment, and  human  rights  were  about  to 
reach  a  clearer  definition.  Who  will  refuse  to 
these  two  nations  struggling  with  despotism 
the  gratitude  due  to  their  heroic  persistency? 
^  Through  them  the  old  narrow  view  of  poli- 
tical rights  made  way  for  those  broad  ideas  of 
popular  independence  and  noble  free  institu- 
tions in  which  we  all  share  in  these  modern 
times,  and  which  are  yet  destined  to  reach  a 
more  perfect  development. 

The  censure  of  disloyalty  could  not  be 
charged  to  the  Irish  people  in  their  protracted 
struggle  with  the  abuses  of  royalty.  The  Irish 
rather  erred  in  their  too  great  fidelity  to  mon- 
archs  who  were  far  from  being  worthy  of  their 
confidence.  They  poved  their  conscientious 
loyalty  to  Charles  I.  and  James  II.  even  at  the 
risk  of  the  greatest  disaster  to  their  country. 
If  they  had  abandoned  the  cause  of  those 
worthless  princes  their  own  interests  would 
have  been  assured. 

With  that  scrupulous  fidelity  nurtured  by 
the  religion  which  they  professed  they  cheer- 


150  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

fully  adhered  to  the  cause  of  the  rightful  heir 
to  the  throne,  as  the  laws  of  nations  were  then 
understood,  and  in  matters  relating  to  civil 
obedience;  following  the  plain  teaching  of  St. 
Paul  to  be  obedient  to  the  civil  ruler  for  con- 
science sake,  and  the  similar  mandate  of  the 
Divine  Master  to  give  to  Caesar  what  belongs 
to  Caesar.  But  they,  among  all  other  nations, 
most  emphatically  insisted  that  the  civil  ruler 
can  compel  obedience  only  within  certain  lim- 
its— that  there  is  a  domain  in  which  the  secular 
authority  must  not  presume  to  venture — the 
exercise  of  the  powers  of  the  mind,  the  con- 
victions of  the  intellect  in  the  relations  be- 
tween the  individual  and  his  Creator. 

In  a  word,  the  Irish  people  have  always  been 
conspicuous  and  gained  the  admiration  of  the 
world  for  their  valor  in  the  material  conflict  of 
arms,  while  their  unflinching  fidelity  to  the 
principles  of  justice  and  intellectual  freedom 
claims  the  respect  of  all  who  can  appreciate 
civil  and  religious  liberty. 


CONCLUDING  HINTS. 


A  question  very  natural  will  present  itself  to 
readers  of  history  such  as  the  foregoing.  It  is. 
Can  we  conceive  a  way  of  totally  eradicating 
the  spirit  of  rebellion  from  among  the  people 
of  Ireland  or  any  other  people  having  similar 
grievances? 

We  answer  without  hesitation,  it  is  not  only 
possible,  but  it  is  easy  to  accomplish  such  a 
happy  result. 

It  will  come  when  statesmen  are  able  to 
grasp  the  extent  of  those  grievances  and  hon- 
estly inquiring  into  their  cause,  make  haste  to 
apply  the  remedies. 

It  is  useless  to  hide  from  ourselves  the  fact 
that  every  discontented  people  point  to  certain 
adverse  legfislation,  or  to  certain  privileged 
classes  among  their  fellow  citizens  as  respon- 
sible for  the  evils  of  which  they  complain. 

Whether  the  people  are  right,  whether  they 
have  just  grounds  for  judging  harshly  either  of 
a  system  of  government  or  of  the  powerful 
classes  on  whom  they  are  wholly  dependent 
deserves  at  least  a  serious  inquiry. 

It  would  seem  that  self-interest  ought  to  in- 
duce such  favored  classes  to  promote  the  well- 
being  of  the  classes  depending  upon  them. 

Judging  from  past  history  and  the  unac- 
countable stupidity  or  indiflFerence  of  those  in 


152  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98 

high  places,  when  the  wretchedness  of  multi- 
tudes cried  out  for  relief,  we  still  fear  that  the 
remedy  will  not  come  from  the  quarter  whence 
the  evils  arise. 
As  long  as  human  nature  remains  what  it  is 
and  what  the  experience  of  ages  has  sadly 
taught — as  long  as  it  continues  to  be  selfish, 
grasping,  avaricious  even  to  blindness  to  the 
miseries  of  fellowmen,  we  can  hardly  hope  for 
that  well  balanced  justice  dictated  even  by 
self  interest  among  the  powerful  individual 
citizens  in  dealing  with  the  dependent  classes. 
Even  tlie  old  adage  so  intelligible  to  all,  that 
the  goose  that  lays  the  golden  egg  should  not 
be  killed,  is  too  often  forgotten. 

When  ordinary  human  compassion  for  the 
miseries  of  others  who  happen  to  be  in  our 
power  is  wanting,  we  would  expect  that  the 
motive  of  private  interest — of  future  profit, 
would  lead  those  in  power  to  pursue  a  clement 
and  gentle  policy.  But,  however  the  problem 
may  be  explained,  the  strong  arm  of  the  state 
must  often  be  called  upon  to  restrain  the  in- 
dividual citizen  in  his  ill  advised  or  harsh  deal- 
ings with  a  weaker  brother. 

Legislation  must  step  in  to  regulate  con- 
tracts and  conditions  of  a  private  nature  which 
affect  the  general  well-being  of  the  community. 
When  statesmen  can  bring  themselves  to  ad- 
mit that  the  industrial  classes,  which  form  the 
majority  in  every  civilized  nation,  have  a  right 
to  a  reasonable  share  of  the  fruit  of  their  own 
industry — a  right  to  protection  in  the  enjoy- 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '98  153' 

iiieiit  of  their  hard  earned  possessions — a  right 
to  the  common  blessings  held  out  by  a  bene- 
licent  Providence  to  the  industrious  tiUer  of 
the  soil — a  right  to  be  sustained  in  all  his  legiti- 
mate aspirations  for  advancement — then  will 
government  rest  secure  from  the  threats  of 
discontented  millions,  and  from  the  warnings, 
the  sullen  conspiracies  of  the  agitator. 

The  solution  of  the  so-called  great  problem 
is  simple.  Encourage  industry  by  securing  to 
the  industrious  the  fruit  of  his  toil.  Let  him 
see  that  nothing  will  impede  his  advancement 
when  he  devotes  his  energies  to  any  laudable 
j)ursuit.  Respect  his  private  convictions, 
whether  religious  or  political,  and  hinder  not 
his  free  profession  of  them,  as  long  as  they 
have  no  dang-erous  tendencies. 

This  does  not  imply  anything-  revolutionary. 
If  there  exists  a  nobility  or  a  class  of  citizens 
powerful  on  account  of  the  great  wealth  which 
they  enjov,  let  their  rights  be  also  respected 
equally  with  those  of  the  common  multitude. 
The  public  interests  of  the  community  will  not 
demand  from  them  the  surrender  of  the  dig- 
nity belonging  to  their  position,  or  the  posses- 
sions they  legitimately  acquired. 

Limit  them  only  in  their  power  of  doing 
wrong.  When  they  employ  their  superior  in- 
fluence and  wealth  against  the  interests  of  \the 
great  masses  of  the  community;  when  they 
abuse  their  power  over  the  dependent  classes 
so  as  to  discourage  industry,  crush  healthv 
ambition,  stand  in   the  way  of  private  enter- 


154  IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  ''JS 

prise,  then  public  legislation  must  step  in  and 
set  limits  to  the  mischief  which  such  abuses 
inflict  on  the  multitude. 

it  is  not  in  Ireland  alone  that  the  stupid  in- 
difference of  the  powerful  classes  to  the  mis- 
cries  of  the  dependent  multitudes  has  brought 
its  own  punishment  with  it.  The  continent 
has  had  its  share  of  horrors  produced  by  like 
causes. 

Reasonable  concessions  made  by  those  in 
Tiigh  places  to  their  inferiors  seldom  pass  un- 
acknowledged. A  generous  policy  on  the  part 
of  the  capitalist  in  dealing  with  the  laborer 
turns  out  advantageous  to  both.  The  return 
of  gratitude  for  fair  treatment  is  hardly  ever 
wanting  among  the  employed  towards  the  em- 
ployer. 

Why  crush  all  hope  in  the  heart  of  the  lab- 
orer while  he  pursues  a  reasonable  gain — a 
legitimate  advancement? 

Public  policy — the  prosperity  of  the  nation 
demands  that  the  causes  of  discontent  shall  be 
removed.  If  it  exists  the  state  should  apply 
the  remedy  even  to  secure  its  own  safety. 

Tliese  general  principles  are  never  out  of 
date.  Tliey  apply  at  present  as  they  did  in 
past  times,  and  there  is  no  form  of  government 
that  can  afiford  to  neglect  them. 

The  humane  and  liberal  spirit  that  has 
grown  so  general  in  all  enlightened  nations 
of  our  times  inspires  us  with  hope  for  the  es- 
tablishment of  order  and  good  will  between 
the  different  classes  of  society.    The  great  mis- 


IRELAND'S  REVOLT  IN  '08  105 

takes  of  governments  and  of  the  privileged 
classes  will  hardly  be  repeated. 

Tlie  grave  lessons  of  the  past  will  be  neglect- 
ed at  the  peril  of  society  now  no  less  than  in 
former  times. 

Until  these  lessons,  taught  us  at  such  a  fear- 
ful cost,  are  well  learned  and  the  mistakes  of 
the  past  corrected  let  no  one  be  surprised  at 
revolutions. 


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